Suchergebnisse

Donald Trump turned the presidency into a live-action reality television series comprising a chaotic blend of televised and tweeted intrigue. The nation's collective anxiety coalesced in a nationalistic, authoritarian denouement on January 6, 2021. During Trump's speech at the Save American Rally, he returned to familiar themes, telling the story of a ravaged America and his role as its victimized hero. As Trump concluded his speech urging supporters to "fight like hell," rioters assailed the U.S. capitol revealing the violence of colonial invasion. To understand and, thus, respond to the insurrection, we must first recognize the dominant structures that create the conditions of its perpetration and excusal. This intersectional analysis addresses the colonial impulse for violent exclusion through the interpretive framework of settler colonialism. Examining four interlocking themes, we incorporate historical and contemporary popular culture rhetorical devices to triangulate our findings. We illustrate how social identity and settler colonialism occur in popular culture at the intersections of American, Christian nationalism, racialization, hetero-genderism, and ableism. Overall, our analysis explores how Trump prepared his base through years of cultural manipulation, promoting a populist, White vision of the world with Trump symbolic of its savior. To subvert these exploitations, we must participate in their deconstruction to destabilize the power of colonial institutions.

The purpose of this study was to expand upon research in organizational justice by introducing the construct into a school sponsored sports setting from a sociological perspective. Three dimensions of organizational justice — distributive justice, procedural justice, and interpersonal justice — were assessed to determine if the fairness of coaches, as perceived by their student athletes ( N = 259), was associated with the sports the students' enjoyed participating in the most or the least. Two research questions answered by this study were: 1) do fairness perceptions differ between the sport the students enjoy the most and the sport they enjoy the least, and 2) did those perceptions influence the students' desire to continue participating in those referent sports. The findings indicted that perceptions of each of the three dimensions differed between the referent sports selected by the student athletes, and those differences were significant ( p < .001). The findings also suggested that a linear relationship existed between each dimension and their intent to continue playing the referent sports.

This unusual history of the first four secretaries-general of NATO and their importance in the post-war politics of Western defense is a study of diplomacy-of individuals and the impact of their personalities on international events. It can perhaps best be described in terms of what it is not. It is not, for example, exclusively a book on NATO, nor is it a text on international organization. It is neither a history of European politics nor an analysis of East-West relations. It is not a specialized study of nuclear politics, and it does not pretend to be a record of the political interplay between the United States and its European allies. Yet all of these themes appear in the work. In the course of preparing this book, Dr. Jordan came to know the four secretaries-general, as well as many other individuals involved in NATO since its inception. While his analysis is objective and he has thoroughly documented his observations, there is also a valuable personal element in his assessment of the impact the persons who occupied this relatively little known but very important office had on the institution they headed and the international political environment in which they operated.

A collection of essays on British and American maritime relationships in the 20th century together with details on the British organization of warfare, Anglo-American maritime theory, their rivalries and coalitions and their plans for dealing with a future war in the nuclear age.

Historically, rural schools have been geographically and politically isolated to the extent that some might say that they have been the victims of, or beneficiaries from, an unstated government policy of benign neglect. Recently, conditions and relationships have changed with the enactment of state and federal accountability legislation and legal challenges to the constitutionality of state funding systems for schools. Federal concerns about the quality of teachers and the progress of students are accompanied by state standards, proficiency tests for high school graduation, and school report cards. Most of these requirements are unfunded or under-funded mandates. However, rural schools likely will benefit from the recent shift in school finance litigation from a single emphasis on equity to a dual interest in equity and adequacy. If education is a state responsibility, then in an era of state-mandated standards and assessments, the state has an inherent responsibility to ensure that students have access to the human and material resources required for them to meet standards and pass state proficiency examinations.

It is generally recognized that there are enormous difficulties, bureaucratic as well as political, that attend attempts to ameliorate human problems which arise from the growing interdependence of states. The policy challenge therefore is how to create—or alternatively, how to understand and then to reform—the existing machinery of international administration to enable it to cope with interdependence. The World Food Conference, held in Rome on November 5–16, 1974, was not only an exercise in ad hoc multilateral diplomacy designed to meet the immediate threats of the food crisis; it was also an attempt to rebuild the international food bureaucracy, either by replacing the Food and Agriculture Organization or by reforming it. The Conference largely succeeded in this task; it created a World Food Council, organizationally linked to the FAO in Rome, but separately responsible to the UN General Assembly through the Economic and Social Council. Thus, an examination of the leadership of the Secretariat of the World Food Conference provides a classic case for the study of bureaucratic politics: an international secretariat not merely indirectly influenced the shape of policy; it actually made policy.