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This article examines the importance of the political thought and praxis of politico, 'reformist' strategist and intellectual, Saʿid Hajjarian, and his rethinking of the post-revolutionary Iranian state's sources and bases of legitimacy in the 1990s and 2000s. It also provides an exposition and assessment of a number of his recommendations for the realisation of 'political development' (towseʿeh-ye siyāsi) in the post-revolutionary order and their contribution to the discourse ofeslāhātduring the presidency of Hojjat al-Islam Mohammad Khatami (1997–2005). Moreover, it attempts to situate Hajjarian within a broader spectrum of reformist political opinion and its proponents within the Islamic Republic of Iran's political class.

AbstractMostafa Malekian has yet to receive much attention in Western academic literature pertaining to Iranian intellectual life, but inside Iran, he has emerged as a popular public intellectual; seen as both a culmination of and rupture with the project of "religious intellectualism." Rather than offer a revolutionary and politically engaged vision of Islam, or a "reformist" or "democratic" interpretation of Shi῾ism, his project seeks to integrate what he calls "rationality" (῾aqlaniyat) and "spirituality" (ma᾽naviyat). As Malekian's project has developed, it has broken, in a number of important respects, with mainstream Islam as practiced in Iran, the religious reformist project, and even organized religion as a whole. This article seeks not only to offer one of the first comprehensive analysis of his existential and social thought in English, but also to analyze his project's deep affinities with a pervasive fatigue vis‐à‐vis collective projects of political emancipation and even "politics" tout court, in the latter phases of the "reformist" President Hojjat al‐Islam Seyyed Mohammad Khatami's tenure.

Preliminary Material -- 1 Variant Traditions, Relative Chronology, and the Study of Intra-Quranic Parallels /Joseph Witztum -- 2 The Earliest Attestation of the Dhimma of God and His Messenger and the Rediscovery of P. Nessana 77 (60s ah/680 ce) /Robert Hoyland and Hannah Cotton -- 3 Jewish Christianity and Islamic Origins /Guy G. Stroumsa -- 4 A Note on the Relationship between Tafsīr and Common Understanding with Reference to Contracts of Marriage /Karen Bauer -- 5 "Earnest Money" and the Sources of Islamic Law /Gerald Hawting and David M. Eisenberg -- 6 "A Bequest May Not Exceed One-Third": An Isnād-cum-Matn Analysis and Beyond /Pavel Pavlovitch and David S. Powers -- 7 Basra and Kufa as the Earliest Centers of Islamic Legal Controversy /Christopher Melchert -- 8 God's Cleric: Al-Fuḍayl born ʿIyāḍ and the Transition from Caliphal to Prophetic Sunna /Deborah G. Tor -- 9 Aḥmad ibn Ṭūlūn and the Politics of Deference /Matthew S. Gordon -- 10 Eighth-Century Indian Astronomy in the Two Cities of Peace /Kevin van Bladel -- 11 Greek Language and Education under Early Islam /Maria Mavroudi -- 12 Kalām and the Greeks /Fritz W. Zimmermann -- 13 "Arabs" and "Iranians": The Uses of Ethnicity in the Early Abbasid Period /Michael Cooperson -- 14 The Poetics of Cultural Identity: Al-Mutanabbī among the Būyids /Margaret Larkin -- 15 Must God Tell Us the Truth? A Problem in Ashʿarī Theology /Khaled El-Rouayheb -- 16 Administrators' Time: The Social Memory of the Early Medieval State, East and West /Chris Wickham -- 17 An Eleventh-Century Justification of the Authority of Twelver Shiite Jurists /Devin J. Stewart -- 18 A Family Story: Ambiguities of Jewish Identity in Medieval Islam /David J. Wasserstein -- 19 What Happened in al-Andalus: Minorities in al-Andalus and in Christian Spain /David Abulafia -- 20 The Samaritan Version of the Esther Story /Adam Silverstein -- 21 New Evidence for the Survival of Sexually Libertine Rites among some Nuṣayrī-ʿAlawīs of the Nineteenth Century /Bella Tendler Krieger -- 22 Crone and the End of Orientalism /Chase F. Robinson -- Index.

In this article, we address a question that has been frequently asked: Why is the Iranian government unable to defeat the struggle by women against the compulsory hijab? What distinguishes women's resistance from other forms of freedom and justice movements? We address these questions by highlighting women's "resilient resistance" within the family domain as both flexible and sustainable. The article examines how the domestication of politics and the politicization of family have interconnected dynamics in Iran, as illustrated by the "Woman, Life, Freedom" movement. It shows how women have shifted the Iranian family from a collaborator of oppressive patriarchal power to a more egalitarian structure to accommodate their protests against the compulsory hijab. As the catalysts for this change, they succeeded in discrediting the Islamic Republic's moral discourse based on the compulsory hijab as a manifestation of modesty for women. They also validated their own morality based on personal choice. Using ethnographic fieldwork, including participatory observation and in-depth interviews with movement participants, this paper shows how women's invisible yet significant resistance within the family has transformed this institution and profoundly affected the broader political landscape of Iran. It examines a unique case where social transformation drives larger political change.

Contrairement à l'analyse des biographies, basée sur une démarche hypothético-déductive, l'analyse des séquences a une ambition holistique et permet une « fouille des données » avec peu d' a priori . Encore peu utilisée en démographie historique, elle est particulièrement appropriée pour révéler les structures d'une étape de vie composée de plusieurs événements, telle que l'est la transition vers l'âge adulte. Cette méthode a bien sûr aussi des limites, qui sont discutées. En les prenant en compte, cet article étudie les trajectoires d'établissement des hommes et des femmes au xix e siècle dans deux terroirs ruraux de l'Est de la Belgique. Ces deux régions se distinguaient par un accès au mariage parmi les plus restreints d'Europe à cette époque. Les communautés rurales y ont pourtant maintenu l'essentiel de leur mode de vie jusqu'au début du xx e siècle. Dans ces contextes contraints, l'analyse met en évidence la diversité des trajectoires empruntées pour devenir parent d'un enfant légitime, et ainsi contribuer à la reproduction des familles enracinées. Elle révèle aussi l'importance des phases de cohabitation multigénérationnelle dans un système familial fondamentalement nucléaire, ainsi qu'une étonnante prévalence de l'illégitimité qui faisait partie des facteurs de risque affectant la durabilité de l'établissement. Finalement, elle montre l'existence d'une forte minorité qui a surmonté rapidement tous les obstacles.

Economic sanctions are a punishment mechanism to ensure that governments respect human rights. However, sanctions affect nations, and pose challenges social workers in health care practice. The present note discusses the connection between health care and economic sanctions, and the challenges that health care social workers face due to the sanctions.