Suchergebnisse

Rapporto finale del progetto "Welfare aziendale e territoriale a misura di artigiani, micro e piccole imprese", promosso tra luglio 2019 e aprile 2021 dalla CNA (Confederazione Nazionale dell'Artigianato e della Piccola e Media Impresa) del Piemonte nell'ambito della strategia di innovazione sociale "We.Ca.Re" (Welfare Cantiere Regionale) della Regione Piemonte e, nello specifico, del bando "Disseminazione e diffusione del welfare aziendale tramite enti aggregatori". Il rapporto si articola i n cinque principali sezioni: nella sezione 1 sono descritte le attività di informazione e disseminazione; nella sezione 2 ci si focalizza sulle attività di mappatura della domanda e offerta di welfare nell'impresa artigiana; nella sezione 3 si dà conto delle attività di informazione e disseminazione realizzate dall'associazione tramite l'implementazione di sportelli informativi; la sezione 4 discute i gli effetti, attesi e inattesi, diretti e indiretti, riconducibili al progetto nei diversi territori, mentre la sezione 5 propone alcune considerazioni di chiusura sulle prospettive di sostenibilità dell'iniziativa.

Il Capitolo 3 del Quinto Rapporto sul secondo welfare analizza i dati ricavati dalla expert survey promossa da Percorsi di secondo welfare sul tema del welfare aziendale territoriale. A questo riguardo, la prima parte del Capitolo esplora il punto di vista degli esperti interpellati circa le trasformazioni avvenute durante la pandemia e quelle che potranno verificarsi in futuro in risposta alle conseguenze di più lungo periodo del Covid-19. Successivamente si concentra su quello che è a detto degli intervistati è il posizionamento di alcune organizzazioni-chiave nel campo del welfare aziendale rispetto ai rapporti tra pubblico-privato e nazionale-locale; si tratta delle 2 principali sigle sindacali e di 8 organizzazioni datoriali che spaziano dal mondo delle imprese a quello dell'artigianato e del commercio, fino a quello della cooperazione. Infine il Capitolo approfondisce il punto di vista degli esperti il ruolo del welfare aziendale nel raggiungimento degli Obiettivi di sviluppo sostenibile definiti dall'Agenda 2030. Dalla expert survey emerge come nonostante la crisi pandemica l'impegno delle imprese nel campo del welfare non si sia fermato. Al contrario, dove presente, il welfare aziendale ha contribuito a dare risposte ai nuovi bisogni scaturiti dall'emergenza sanitaria e poi sociale. Anche per queste ragioni, sempre secondo gli esperti, nel prossimo futuro le pratiche di welfare aziendale tenderanno a diffondersi ancora di più nel contesto italiano.

Nel corso degli ultimi anni il Gruppo Cooperativo CGM ha avviato un processo volto a innovare l'offerta di servizi dei consorzi e delle cooperative sociali a essi associate. CGM ha così scelto di investire nell'ambito del welfare aziendale, dotandosi di una infrastruttura tecnologica e di competenze professionali adeguate a operare in questo settore. Nel tempo questa piattaforma digitale si è sviluppata divenendo uno strumento che rispecchia le caratteristiche del mondo cooperativo. A tre anni dell'avvio di questo percorso, la piattaforma - oggi chiamata welfareX - si caratterizza per una serie di elementi distintivi che ne evidenziano il valore trasformativo. In particolare, nel corso dell'emergenza sanitaria e sociale innescata dalla pandemia di Covid-19, welfareX ha facilitato la nascita di nuove forme di co-progettazione tra Terzo Settore e attore pubblico a livello locale, lo sviluppo di modelli organizzativi ibridi e l'avvio di percorsi di capacity building per il sistema delle cooperative sociali, promuovendo innovazioni tanto di prodotto e di processo. Il percorso qui descritto evidenzia come CGM e le altre organizzazioni coinvolte abbiano agito come imprenditori di policy, facendosi promotori di nuove logiche, strumenti e finalità e mostrando come il welfare aziendale possa rappresentare un vero e proprio investimento, capace di produrre ricadute positive non solo all'interno delle imprese ma del più ampio ecosistema economico, politico e sociale.

This paper presents four incentivised experiments analysing jointly the separate role of immediate integral emotions and knowledge in individual decision making under ambiguity. Reactions to a natural source of uncertainty (i.e., forthcoming real-world election results) were measured using both computed decision weights derived from individual choices and judgmental probabilities determined from the subjects' estimated likelihood of election outcomes. This study used self-reports to measure emotions aroused by the prospective election victory of a party/coalition of parties, and both self-assessed and actual competence to measure knowledge of politics. This paper found evidence of both preference for ambiguity in the gain domain and of likelihood insensitivity, namely the tendency to overweight unlikely events and to underweight likely events. This paper also shows that a superior knowledge of politics was associated with a preference for ambiguity (i.e., the elevation of the decision weighting function for gains). Both stronger positive emotions and superior knowledge generally have asymmetric effects on likelihood insensitivity (i.e., the curvature of the decision weighting function), each being associated separately with higher overweighting of unlikely election outcomes.

This paper presents four incentivised experiments analysing jointly the separate role of immediate integral emotions and knowledge in individual decision making under ambiguity. Reactions to a natural source of uncertainty (i.e., forthcoming real-world election results) were measured using both computed decision weights derived from individual choices and judgmental probabilities determined from the subjects&rsquo ; estimated likelihood of election outcomes. This study used self-reports to measure emotions aroused by the prospective election victory of a party/coalition of parties, and both self-assessed and actual competence to measure knowledge of politics. This paper found evidence of both preference for ambiguity in the gain domain and of likelihood insensitivity, namely the tendency to overweight unlikely events and to underweight likely events. This paper also shows that a superior knowledge of politics was associated with a preference for ambiguity (i.e., the elevation of the decision weighting function for gains). Both stronger positive emotions and superior knowledge generally have asymmetric effects on likelihood insensitivity (i.e., the curvature of the decision weighting function), each being associated separately with higher overweighting of unlikely election outcomes.

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CEPII Working Paper, No 2018-05 - April 2018 ; There has been considerable attention paid to the endogenous nature of regional trade agreements Geography, economic size, or common history help predicting signed agreements. However, not all signed RTAs are "natural" according to economic determinants, as trade negotiations can be used as a tool of external policy. Recent developments in terms of structural gravity help clarifying this debate by taking account of all theoretically relevant determinants of bilateral trade, as well as general equilibrium effects of signing an agreement. Indeed, the endogeneity of trade arrangements has a time dimension and is related to firm strategies. These are the two mechanisms addressed in this paper. We estimate the time-varying probability for a country pair to sign a trade agreement and build upon structural gravity in general equilibrium to determine how the patterns of Global Value Chains shape the evolving geography of optimal trade agreements. Our results confirm that the endogenous geography of RTAs is shaped by the development of GVCs. ; Une grande attention a été accordée à la nature endogène des accords commerciaux régionaux. La géographie, la taille économique ou l'histoire commune aident à prévoir les accords régionaux (ACR) signés. Cependant, tous les ACR signés ne sont pas "naturels" du point de vue des seuls déterminants économiques, dans la mesure où les négociations commerciales peuvent être utilisées comme un outil de politique extérieure.Les développements récents en termes de modèles structurels de gravité des échanges aident à clarifier ce débat en prenant en compte l'ensemble des déterminants théoriques du commerce bilatéral. En effet, l'endogénéité des accords commerciaux a une dimension temporelle et est liée aux stratégies des firmes. Ces deux mécanismes sont abordés ici : nous estimons a probabilité pour chaque paire de pays de signer un accord commercial et utilisons la gravité structurelle en équilibre général pour déterminer comment les chaînes de valeur mondiales façonnent la géographie optimale des accords commerciaux. Nos résultats confirment que la géographie endogène des ACR est façonnée par le développement des chaînes de valeurs mondiales.

CEPII Working Paper, No 2018-05 - April 2018 ; There has been considerable attention paid to the endogenous nature of regional trade agreements Geography, economic size, or common history help predicting signed agreements. However, not all signed RTAs are "natural" according to economic determinants, as trade negotiations can be used as a tool of external policy. Recent developments in terms of structural gravity help clarifying this debate by taking account of all theoretically relevant determinants of bilateral trade, as well as general equilibrium effects of signing an agreement. Indeed, the endogeneity of trade arrangements has a time dimension and is related to firm strategies. These are the two mechanisms addressed in this paper. We estimate the time-varying probability for a country pair to sign a trade agreement and build upon structural gravity in general equilibrium to determine how the patterns of Global Value Chains shape the evolving geography of optimal trade agreements. Our results confirm that the endogenous geography of RTAs is shaped by the development of GVCs. ; Une grande attention a été accordée à la nature endogène des accords commerciaux régionaux. La géographie, la taille économique ou l'histoire commune aident à prévoir les accords régionaux (ACR) signés. Cependant, tous les ACR signés ne sont pas "naturels" du point de vue des seuls déterminants économiques, dans la mesure où les négociations commerciales peuvent être utilisées comme un outil de politique extérieure.Les développements récents en termes de modèles structurels de gravité des échanges aident à clarifier ce débat en prenant en compte l'ensemble des déterminants théoriques du commerce bilatéral. En effet, l'endogénéité des accords commerciaux a une dimension temporelle et est liée aux stratégies des firmes. Ces deux mécanismes sont abordés ici : nous estimons a probabilité pour chaque paire de pays de signer un accord commercial et utilisons la gravité structurelle en équilibre général pour déterminer comment les chaînes de ...

CEPII Working Paper, No 2018-05 - April 2018 ; There has been considerable attention paid to the endogenous nature of regional trade agreements Geography, economic size, or common history help predicting signed agreements. However, not all signed RTAs are "natural" according to economic determinants, as trade negotiations can be used as a tool of external policy. Recent developments in terms of structural gravity help clarifying this debate by taking account of all theoretically relevant determinants of bilateral trade, as well as general equilibrium effects of signing an agreement. Indeed, the endogeneity of trade arrangements has a time dimension and is related to firm strategies. These are the two mechanisms addressed in this paper. We estimate the time-varying probability for a country pair to sign a trade agreement and build upon structural gravity in general equilibrium to determine how the patterns of Global Value Chains shape the evolving geography of optimal trade agreements. Our results confirm that the endogenous geography of RTAs is shaped by the development of GVCs. ; Une grande attention a été accordée à la nature endogène des accords commerciaux régionaux. La géographie, la taille économique ou l'histoire commune aident à prévoir les accords régionaux (ACR) signés. Cependant, tous les ACR signés ne sont pas "naturels" du point de vue des seuls déterminants économiques, dans la mesure où les négociations commerciales peuvent être utilisées comme un outil de politique extérieure.Les développements récents en termes de modèles structurels de gravité des échanges aident à clarifier ce débat en prenant en compte l'ensemble des déterminants théoriques du commerce bilatéral. En effet, l'endogénéité des accords commerciaux a une dimension temporelle et est liée aux stratégies des firmes. Ces deux mécanismes sont abordés ici : nous estimons a probabilité pour chaque paire de pays de signer un accord commercial et utilisons la gravité structurelle en équilibre général pour déterminer comment les chaînes de valeur mondiales façonnent la géographie optimale des accords commerciaux. Nos résultats confirment que la géographie endogène des ACR est façonnée par le développement des chaînes de valeurs mondiales.

This article focuses in the discursive strategies of right-wing supporters of the Chilean military regime. Its main focus is on the gremialismo, which represents the ultimate expression of the neoliberal-conservative synthesis that characterized the country's political right-wing parties since the authoritarian years. Drawing on an analysis of articles published on the press related to this group, this article highlights how, within a context of international isolation and in face of the critical attitude of so-called "advanced" capitalist countries of Europe towards the Pinochet regime, a series of representations about the crisis of the West were elaborated. By focusing on the effects of the Welfare State and the decay of traditional moral values, such representations helped overcoming a merely defensive nationalism, thus presenting its national project as an alternative to such crisis. ; Este artículo se centra en el ámbito de las estrategias discursivas de la derecha partidaria del régimen militar. Su principal objeto de interés es el gremialismo, expresión más acabada de la síntesis entre neo-liberalismo y conservadurismo que caracterizó a la derecha surgida bajo el alero de la dictadura. A partir de un análisis de artículos aparecidos en la prensa cercana a tal sector, los autores destacan como, en un contexto marcado por la actitud negativa hacia Chile de los países capitalistas "avanzados" de Europa, se elaboraron una serie de representaciones sobre la crisis de Occidente, centradas en los efectos del Estado del bienestar y en la decadencia de los valores morales tradicionales. Tales representaciones permitieron articular un discurso que superaba el recurso a un nacionalismo meramente defensivo, presentando al proyecto-país del régimen como alternativa a tal crisis.