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International audience ; In 1999, after a heated debate on gender parity in political representation, the French constitution was amended to include the principle of "equal representation" of both sexes. This paved the way for the introduction of gender quotas. In the same period, a bill providing reservations for women at the national level provoked a political crisis in India. The objective of this article is to compare both debates, looking in particular at the way women's representation was framed. In France, the main argument against quotas was that republican representation should be unitary and transcend social differences, but at the end of the 1990s, women in mainstream politics were seen as one element of the dual nature of human kind, different from other categories such as class or race. In India, the specific representation of certain groups (Dalits, lower castes, tribal groups) had been the traditional framework for political representation since independence in 1947. But when the bill proposed to extend reservations to women, opponents of the project claimed that women did not constitute a category in themselves, and that sex should be intersected with caste and religion for the attribution of quotas. Looking at parliamentary debates, articles, and tribunes supporting or opposing quotas in both countries, we show that the arguments mobilized reveal different conceptions of the political representation of gender difference, which are partly transversal and partly specific to each country.

In 1999, after a heated debate on gender parity in political representation, the French constitution was amended to include the principle of "equal representation" of both sexes. This paved the way for the introduction of gender quotas. In the same period, a bill providing reservations for women at the national level provoked a political crisis in India. The objective of this article is to compare both debates, looking in particular at the way women's representation was framed. In France, the main argument against quotas was that republican representation should be unitary and transcend social differences, but at the end of the 1990s, women in mainstream politics were seen as one element of the dual nature of human kind, different from other categories such as class or race. In India, the specific representation of certain groups (Dalits, lower castes, tribal groups) had been the traditional framework for political representation since independence in 1947. But when the bill proposed to extend reservations to women, opponents of the project claimed that women did not constitute a category in themselves, and that sex should be intersected with caste and religion for the attribution of quotas. Looking at parliamentary debates, articles, and tribunes supporting or opposing quotas in both countries, we show that the arguments mobilized reveal different conceptions of the political representation of gender difference, which are partly transversal and partly specific to each country. ; Peer Reviewed

Alors que la crise du gouvernement représentatif s'intensifie, le tirage au sort est plus que jamais sur le devant de la scène. Après une ère de mini-publics délibératifs n'ayant pas réussi à susciter de changement politique systémique, une seconde vague d'expérimentations démocratiques émerge. Ces dispositifs, davantage empowered et institutionnalisés, s'hybrident avec des formes de démocratie participative, représentative et directe. Mais ils dessinent des dynamiques contrastées pour le futur, entre une radicalisation de la démocratie et une légitimation du gouvernement représentatif.

Les communes médiévales et renaissantes ont réinventé le politique, entendu au sens d'un débat public sur les choses de la cité appuyé sur des procédures électives et délibératives permettant aux citoyens une participation politique institutionnalisée. La Commune de Florence occupe une place centrale dans cette évolution, mais ce moment important de l'histoire occidentale reste largement méconnu chez les auteurs francophones, et tout particulièrement chez les politistes. Cet article introduit le numéro de la Revue française de science politique sur l'histoire politique de Florence, centré sur les procédures institutionnelles permettant de prendre des décisions et de choisir les magistrats. Il en souligne certains des principaux enjeux pour les recherches sur le politique, bien au-delà des spécialistes de l'histoire florentine.

La réforme de 1328, qui modifia les modalités d'élection aux offices qui composaient le sommet de l'exécutif citadin, représenta un moment majeur de l'histoire politico-institutionnelle florentine. Après avoir décrit de façon synthétique le fonctionnement institutionnel de la cité, l'article parcourt l'évolution des pratiques électorales à partir de l'introduction de la magistrature du priorat des Arts (1282) qui, en un temps relativement bref, s'imposa comme le pivot du gouvernement. L'analyse d'une telle évolution permet de comprendre comment la réforme, qui ouvrit pourtant un nouveau cours de la pratique politique florentine, fut de fait l'assemblage sous une forme inédite d'éléments déjà présents dans la tradition institutionnelle locale, et vint ainsi parachever un long processus d'expérimentation politique, enchaînement de moments clairement identifiés.

In the Middle-Age and the Renaissance, European communes have reinvented the political, namely a public debate on the polity with electoral and deliberative procedures that enable citizens to participate in the institutional politics. The Commune of Florence had a central position in this evolution, but this important period of the Occidental history tends to be neglected by French-speaking researchers, and especially by political scientists. This article introduces the issue of the Revue francaise de science politique on the political history of Florence, an issue that focuses on the electoral and decision-making procedures. The article underlines some of the most important dimensions of this history for the research on the political, much beyond the scholars who are specialized on Florentine history. Adapted from the source document.

The century that began is marked by a political paradox. On the one hand, democracy appears to be more attractive than ever for people who are deprived diet. The Arab revolutions are part of a series that has seen many dictatorships collapse in profit in less formal institutions of the rule of law and representative government. In historical terms, there has never been much of democratic regimes in the world. No ideology seems today to be able to compete with democracy or even present itself as a comprehensive alternative. On the other hand, in the European and North American democracies, the election no longer seems sufficient to give decisions representatives real legitimacy in public opinion, and economic and social crisis opened since the crisis of financial capitalism has done that make the tense situation. Thus, the articles in this issue, which belong to different traditions or borrow elements from more than one of these traditions, give the representation of images at multiple times and precisely circumscribed. Adapted from the source document.

Die Verfasser zeigen, dass zur Lösung zentraler gesellschaftlicher Fragen eine Deliberation im Sinne von ausgedehnten Formen des Bürgerdialogs notwendig ist. Mit der Einführung von Deliberation erfahren klassische Experten und gewählte Repräsentanten einen Funktions- und Bedeutungswandel, weshalb es erhebliche Widerstände gegen solche Verfahren gibt. Anhand von Beispielen aus Frankreich zeigen die Autoren, wie dialogorientierte Verfahren von politischen Institutionen zur Durchsetzung ihrer Eigeninteressen genutzt werden. Allerdings stellen die Autoren auch heraus, dass dies keine zwangsläufige Entwicklung sein muss, und skizzieren Wege zur konstruktiven Anwendung deliberativer Verfahren. (ICE2)