Inequality in developed countries and Latin America: coordinated, liberal and hierarchical systems
In: Economy and society, Band 38, Heft 1, S. 17-52
ISSN: 1469-5766
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In: Economy and society, Band 38, Heft 1, S. 17-52
ISSN: 1469-5766
In: World politics: a quarterly journal of international relations, Band 61, Heft 3, S. 438-486
ISSN: 0043-8871
In: Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte: APuZ, Band 50, Heft 14/15, S. 23-31
ISSN: 0479-611X
World Affairs Online
In: Annual Review of Criminology, Band 1, S. 195-217
SSRN
In: Annual review of political science, Band 19, Heft 1, S. 163-185
ISSN: 1545-1577
This review sets out a recently developed comparative political economy literature on the Eurozone, which has a basis in both varieties of capitalism and modern macroeconomics. It contrasts the export-oriented, northern European, skill-intensive, coordinated market economies with coordinated wage-bargaining, on the one hand, with the southern European, demand-driven economies with strong public sector unions, on the other. It analyzes the Eurozone as an ongoing grouping of sovereign democratic states, each with strong concerns to remain within the Eurozone but in principle with an exit option. It argues that the origins of the Eurozone and its trajectory primarily reflected national economic concerns and not a political drive toward European integration; and its deflationary preference has been the rational choice of the export-oriented members and their bargaining power in the Eurozone, not an irrational rejection of Keynesianism. The Eurozone functioned well (comparably to the advanced economies outside the Eurozone, though with major imbalances in both) during its "dual growth model" period from inception to the Eurocrisis. The absence of flexible core labor markets suggested by the optimum currency area literature has not impeded its effectiveness; and there has been little Eurozone-generated institution building, except very partially in banking. The only important development, Outright Monetary Transactions, has made the European Central Bank the de facto lender of last resort to fiscally stable member states.
In: Annual Review of Political Science, Band 19, S. 163-185
SSRN
In: British journal of political science, Band 41, Heft 2, S. 229-257
ISSN: 1469-2112
Classical rational choice explanations of voting participation are widely thought to have failed. This article argues that the currently dominant Group Mobilization and Ethical Agency approaches have serious shortcomings in explaining individually rational turnout. It develops an informal social network (ISN) model in which people rationally vote if their informal networks of family and friends attach enough importance to voting, because voting leads to social approval and vice versa. Using results from the social psychology literature, research on social groups in sociology and their own survey data, the authors argue that the ISN model can explain individually rational non-altruistic turnout. If group variables that affect whether voting is used as a marker of individual standing in groups are included, the likelihood of turnout rises dramatically. Adapted from the source document.
In: British journal of political science, Band 41, Heft 2, S. 229-257
ISSN: 1469-2112
Classical rational choice explanations of voting participation are widely thought to have failed. This article argues that the currently dominant Group Mobilization and Ethical Agency approaches have serious shortcomings in explaining individually rational turnout. It develops an informal social network (ISN) model in which people rationally vote if their informal networks of family and friends attach enough importance to voting, because voting leads to social approval and vice versa. Using results from the social psychology literature, research on social groups in sociology and their own survey data, the authors argue that the ISN model can explain individually rational non-altruistic turnout. If group variables that affect whether voting is used as a marker of individual standing in groups are included, the likelihood of turnout rises dramatically.
In: American political science review, Band 104, Heft 2, S. 393-403
ISSN: 1537-5943
Protocorporatist West European countries in which economic interests were collectively organized adopted PR in the first quarter of the twentieth century, whereas liberal countries in which economic interests were not collectively organized did not. Political parties, as Marcus Kreuzer points out, choose electoral systems. So how do economic interests translate into party political incentives to adopt electoral reform? We argue that parties in protocorporatist countries were "representative" of and closely linked to economic interests. As electoral competition in single member districts increased sharply up to World War I, great difficulties resulted for the representative parties whose leaders were seen as interest committed. They could not credibly compete for votes outside their interest without leadership changes or reductions in interest influence. Proportional representation offered an obvious solution, allowing parties to target their own voters and their organized interest to continue effective influence in the legislature. In each respect, the opposite was true of liberal countries. Data on party preferences strongly confirm this model. (Kreuzer's historical criticisms are largely incorrect, as shown in detail in the online supplementary Appendix.)
In: British journal of political science, Band 41, Heft 2, S. 229-258
ISSN: 0007-1234
In: Administrative science quarterly: ASQ ; dedicated to advancing the understanding of administration through empirical investigation and theoretical analysis, Band 48, Heft 1, S. 157-163
ISSN: 0001-8392
In: American political science review, Band 96, Heft 3, S. 661
ISSN: 0003-0554
In: West European politics, Band 25, Heft 4, S. 238
ISSN: 0140-2382
In: The Economic Journal, Band 102, Heft 412, S. 642
In: LSE Legal Studies Working Paper No. 16/2014
SSRN
Working paper