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During the Reagan period4 the resilience and adaptability of domestic policy subsystems were subjected to the most severe test in recent history. Our explanation for the resilience and durability of these subsystems is based on the argument that the key actors in the subsystem adopt strategies that are mutually supportive of each other's needs and provide protection for the entire subsystem during periods of retrenchment. The thesis developed in this article focuses in particular on the role that agencies play in building and maintaining strong subsystem relationships. We argue that agencies pursue two main objectives to help reinforce subsystem relationships: (1) the maximization of the number of congressional districts that are benefited by the portfolio of programs administered by the agency and (2) the minimization of the collective action problems of the interest groups whose members benefit from their programs. Preliminary data relating to these arguments are presented for the 1983-1989 period. We find evidence that agencies that provide financial assistance to a limited number of congressional districts have attempted, with modest success, to increase the number of districts in which they provide assistance. We find strong evidence that agencies have attempted to reduce collective actions of their supporting interest groups by reducing the within-program diversity of the recipients benefiting from the portfolio of programs administered by the agency. We conclude that these strategies were instrumental in helping domestic agencies survive, and in some cases grow, during the 1980s.

Examines the relationship between allocations to member district and reelection margins; US.

Capacity of state and federal governments to transfer monies to local governments with the greatest need and least fiscal capacity; in a period during which both federal and state aid systems experienced significant change.

We study how ballot completion levels in Colorado responded to the adoption of universal vote by mail elections (VBM). VBM systems are among the most widespread and significant election reforms that states have adopted in modern elections. VBM elections provide voters more time to become informed about ballot choices and opportunities to research their choices at the same time as they fill out their ballots. By creating a more information-rich voting environment, VBM should increase ballot completion, especially among peripheral voters. The empirical results show that VBM elections lead to greater ballot completion, but that this effect is only substantial in presidential elections.

Objective. Students of political behavior have often found that the primary use of languages other than English impedes many forms of political participation in the United States. We develop expectations about how language choice operates with social context to influence an individual's decision to vote. Although choosing to speak a language other than English—in this case, Spanish—may affect the amount of political information individuals have at their disposal, this choice also represents their access to social and community resources that enable, rather than impede, political participation.Methods. We examine the voting behavior of Latinos, almost entirely Mexican Americans, living in south Texas counties on the U.S. border and reconsider the consequences of language choice for political behavior.Results. Controlling for past residential tenure, we find that Spanish‐speaking Latinos will be more likely to vote than English‐speaking Latinos.Conclusions. The establishment of ties to an ethnic group in a majority‐minority context over time mitigates the negative relationship between the use of Spanish as a primary language and voting.

Students of political behavior have often found that the primary use of languages other than English impedes many forms of political participation in the US. We develop expectations about how language choice operates with social context to influence an individual's decision to vote. Although choosing to speak a language other than English -- in this case, Spanish -- may affect the amount of political information individuals have at their disposal, this choice also represents their access to social & community resources that enable, rather than impede, political participation. We examine the voting behavior of Latinos, almost entirely Mexican Americans, living in south TX counties on the US border, & reconsider the consequences of language choice for political behavior. Controlling for past residential tenure, we find that Spanish-speaking Latinos will be more likely to vote than English-speaking Latinos. The establishment of ties to an ethnic group in a majority-minority context over time mitigates the negative relationship between the use of Spanish as a primary language & voting. 1 Table, 1 Figure, 41 References. Adapted from the source document.