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We propose a methodological strategy that addresses some of the widespread criticisms of survey research. Traditional survey research has, to a great extent, neglected the role of contested concepts in politics and respondents' subjectivity. Our mix of methods—including conceptual analysis,Q-methodology, and survey research—enables us to measure people's subjective understandings of contested concepts while allowing us to reap the benefits of survey research. In two case studies, one on patriotism and the other on participatory citizenship, we demonstrate that the mixed method more accu rately measures respondents' subjectivity and leads to greater predictive abil ity through more accurate measures.

This article examines the patterns of tolerance and intolerance characterizing the publics of three countries: Israel, New Zealand, and the United States. Beyond the level of tolerance, we study the extent to which the tolerant and intolerant segments of each nation's population are intense in their attitudes, and their degree of agreement about the targets of their intolerance. We find the United States to be characterized by a pattern of "pluralistic intolerance," Israel by "focused intolerance," and New Zealand by "pluralistic tolerance." We then explore the potential of translating these attitudes into intolerant actions and conclude that, given this structure of public opinion, this potential is highest in Israel and lowest in New Zealand.

A tribute to the legacy of John L. Sullivan / Christopher M. Federico, Eugene Borgida, and Joanne M. Miller -- Unravelling the complexities of tolerance / George E. Marcus -- Authoritarianism, threat, and intolerance / Stanley Feldman -- Putting groups back into the study of political intolerance / James L. Gibson, Christopher Claassen, and Joan Barceló -- The promise of adopting an emotional approach to understanding and reducing political intolerance / Ruthie Pliskin and Eran Halperin -- Tolerance and threat revisited : the dynamics of political tolerance under persistent terrorism / Michal Shamir, Marc L. Hutchison, Mark Peffley, and Yu Ouyang -- Ethnic and religious tolerance in Poland through the lens of the Sullivan et al. framework / Ewa Golebiowska -- Terror and tolerance : the challenge of inclusion of Muslims in Western Europe / Paul M. Sniderman, Rune Slothuus, Michael Bang Petersen, Rune Stubager, Robert Ford, and Maria Sobolewska -- Appreciating Madison's democracy : perceived homogeneity, tolerance, and support for democratic processes / Elizabeth Theiss-Morse -- Ideology in American public opinion, 1980-2004 : the changing role of individual differences / William G. Jacoby -- Basic human values and political judgment : a broader approach / Paul Goren and Matthew Motta -- A closer look at the ideological structuring of political attitudes / Ariel Malka -- The Sullivan effect / Jon Hurwitz and Mark Peffley -- Shaping the future of political psychology, one person at a time / Angela L. Bos and Monica C. Schneider -- John L. Sullivan : master mentor / Melinda S. Jackson -- John L. Sullivan's pillars of wisdom and how they influenced a young scholar / Dan Stevens -- John L. Sullivan : mentoring by example / John Transue -- Reflections on a life in political psychology / John L. Sullivan.

Common sense recognizes emotion's ability to influence judgments. We argue that affective processes, in addition to generating feeling states, also influence how political cognition is manifested. Drawing on the theory of affective intelligence, we examine the role that anxiety plays in how and when people rely on predispositions and when they rely on contemporaneous information in making political tolerance judgments. We report on two experimental studies to test our arguments. In the first study we find that extrinsic anxiety generates a resistance response among subjects who hold a strong predisposition and a receptive response among those who do not. In the second study we present subjects with explicit "frames" exposing them to a pro‐ or anti‐free speech message. We find that extrinsic anxiety enhances responsiveness to frames while an absence of anxiety diminishes the impact of these frames. Taken together these results show that affective processes shape how people make political judgments.

Politicians, like others caught in embarrassing situations, often attempt to explain their actions in such a way as to mitigate the negative effects. Whether politicians involved in scandal are able to maintain their political careers depends, at least in part, on how voters respond to the public explanations that these politicians provide. Previous work that has examined responses to the accounts provided by errant politicians (e.g., those who have made unpopular roll call votes or those who have been accused of inappropriate behavior) has studied the effects of hypothetical accounts provided by fictitious politicians. The authors of the present article examined responses to the accounts provided by actual politicians who were charged with unethical behavior. Their findings suggest that politicians who made reference to moral and ethical principles in their explanations for their behavior or who focused on the benefits to be gained by their actions tended to be evaluated more positively than politicians who denied that they had committed a questionable act. The authors also examined the effects of partisanship and political expertise on respondents' evaluations of politicians accused of wrongdoing.

Over the past 25 years a number of conclusions concerning the development of political tolerance have come to be well accepted in the literature on political behavior. There are, however, two persisting problems with the studies that have generated these findings: they have relied on a content-biased measure of tolerance, and have failed to examine well specified models of the factors leading to tolerance. In this article we report the results of an analysis of the determinants of political tolerance using a content-controlled measure of tolerance and a more fully specified multivariate model. The parameters of the model are estimated from a national sample of the U.S. The results indicate the explanatory power of two political variables, the level of perceived threat and the commitment to general norms, and psychological sources of political tolerance. Social and demographic factors are found to have no direct effect and little indirect influence on the development of political tolerance.

Examines the Rock the Vote campaign, a nationwide effort to encourage young adults to vote in the 1996 US presidential election. The year before the election, individuals were given the chance to sign & self-address one of two kinds of postcards pledging to vote; these cards were mailed back to the individuals within 2 weeks prior to the election. It is important to note that some individuals completed pledge cards that prompted them to provide their own reason for voting by completing a sentence, whereas other individuals completed pledge cards without this sentence prompt. Mail questionnaire data from 968 pledges reveal that receiving a pledge card with the sentence prompt had a positive influence on voting. Moreover, this effect was found above & beyond demographic & psychological predictors of voting. 1 Table, 2 Figures, 38 References. Adapted from the source document.