Suchergebnisse

National audience ; Toutes les théories de la démocratie considèrent que l'information est un ingrédient essentiel au fonctionnement des systèmes politiques. L'information participe à ce que les Anglo-Saxons appellent l'empowerment des citoyens (Baker, 2002 ; Milner, 2002). Pour participer pleinement à la vie de la cité, choisir les gouvernants ou évaluer l'action publique, les citoyens doivent être « bien informés ». Mais il reste à définir ce que cette expression signifie et recouvre. [Premier paragraphe de l'article]

National audience ; Cet article esquisse une écologie des pratiques informationnelles en matière politique en étudiant le système de relations que les citoyens entretiennent avec leur environnement informationnel. Il montre que la façon dont les individus combinent diverses sources d'information est conditionnée par leur âge, leurs positions socio-économiques ou leur rapport au politique. On peut ainsi identifier quatre grands types de pratiques informationnelles dont l'étendue et la diversité est d'autant plus grande que l'on appartient aux catégories les plus élevées socialement et les plus actives politiquement. On observe enfin que le développement de l'internet tend à maintenir une certaine superposition entre les fractures informationnelle, sociale et civique qui clivent la société française.

International audience ; Over recent decades, research on the internet and political participation has substantially developed, from speculative studies on possible impacts in social and economic life to detailed analyses of organizational usage. In the field of politics focus is increasingly shifting from understanding organizational, or supply side, to the usage and dimension of citizen engagement. Citizens have various ways to engage in civic political life, with many new forms of engagement facilitated by digital technologies. The question is to what extent these forms of engagement have any impact on society and the way society is governed. More particularly, what forms of engagement have impact, what type of impact is evidenced, is that impact positive or negative, in what ways and for whom?

International audience ; Over recent decades, research on the internet and political participation has substantially developed, from speculative studies on possible impacts in social and economic life to detailed analyses of organizational usage. In the field of politics focus is increasingly shifting from understanding organizational, or supply side, to the usage and dimension of citizen engagement. Citizens have various ways to engage in civic political life, with many new forms of engagement facilitated by digital technologies. The question is to what extent these forms of engagement have any impact on society and the way society is governed. More particularly, what forms of engagement have impact, what type of impact is evidenced, is that impact positive or negative, in what ways and for whom?

International audience ; Over recent decades, research on the internet and political participation has substantially developed, from speculative studies on possible impacts in social and economic life to detailed analyses of organizational usage. In the field of politics focus is increasingly shifting from understanding organizational, or supply side, to the usage and dimension of citizen engagement. Citizens have various ways to engage in civic political life, with many new forms of engagement facilitated by digital technologies. The question is to what extent these forms of engagement have any impact on society and the way society is governed. More particularly, what forms of engagement have impact, what type of impact is evidenced, is that impact positive or negative, in what ways and for whom?

The paper shows why the three major European videotex programs (Prestel in the UK, Télétel in France and Bildschirmtext in the FRG), although similar in their initial objectives, have led to markedly contrasting results. Each country, based on its particular macro context (technological environment, government-industry relations, political structures, etc.), pursued a different `implantation strategy', made up of specific clusters of technical and organizational choices. These decisions structured the subsequent development and produced different dynamics: critical mass problems, specific technical frictions and particular political issues. Three strategic choices have been made of particular importance: (1) the technical design and mode of terminal diffusion; (2) the systems architecture; and (3) the mode of service supply.

This study presents data from content analyses of the websites of all parties that stood in the 2009 European parliamentary elections in France, Germany, Great Britain and Poland. It cross-nationally examines the main functions of the websites, the adoption of Web 1.0 and Web 2.0 features, and the political and cultural factors that determine parties' online communication. The findings show that while the main website function varies across countries, Web 1.0 is still the dominant mode of campaigning. Moreover, offline inequalities within and between nations determine differences in parties' individual online strategies: specifically, major parties in states with long histories of democracy and EU membership lead the way and offer more interactive and innovative modes of campaigning. On the other hand, minor parties, particularly in Poland, remain in a more Web 1.0, information-heavy mode of communication. This supports the so-called normalization thesis on both the meso and the macro level.