Suchergebnisse

This review article discusses several books on the problems and prospects of economic development in Papua New Guinea. Great scope for progress in smallholder agriculture. Large agriculture holdings as potentially dynamic components of the national economy. Food production for the market expanding. (DÜI-Sen)

Critical assessment of theories that try to explain the incorporation of the Philippines into the world capitalist system. Role of the IMF and World Bank as "major agents of imperialist domination" in the Philippines. According to some of these theories the World Bank has relentlessly pursued to stabilize the political situation in this country and to integrate the Philippine economy more thoroughly into the international capitalist order. International and national redistribution of power as the crucial element for promoting true development

AbstractThe Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) were a set of measurable goals and targets agreed to by all United Nations (UN) member countries in 2001 or thereafter to achieve substantial socio‐economic improvement for all developing countries by 2015. The MDGs were defined by some as an 'international super‐norm' that made the eradication of extreme poverty a global policy and responsibility. In this article, we examine the broader historical and discursive context that facilitated this institutional emergence and draw on Rorty and Braithwaite to suggest that the MDGs can be considered an 'institution of hope.' The paper contextualises the political economy of despair that prevailed in the 1990s before outlining Rorty's critique of neo‐liberalism and post‐developmentalism and explaining the political value of hope as a collective motivating emotion. The paper then examines critiques of the MDGs before concluding that the MDGs performed a valuable function in reinvigorating global concern over poverty eradication, even if, in retrospect, the MDGs themselves remained only what Rorty referred to as a 'plausible narrative of progress.'

Building on Della Porta's work on social movement events, critical junctures, and legacies, this article studies the discursive practices, emotions and networks of the instant 48-hour mobilizations of the anti-European Super League (ESL) movement in English football in April 2021. In doing so, we show how this case reveals a new generation of conflict between the different supporter demographic and corporate constituencies that characterize elite football in England, and their politicized temporal structures. Showing how social movement 'legacy' operates as a multifaceted concept of power and time, we argue that the 'puzzling out' of a new post-ESL regulatory regime in football reveals the tensions between what are considered legitimate, and illegitimate, practices, which characterize the moral economy of the contemporary English football crowd.

SummaryEffective planning makes a vital contribution to developmental success. It is generally perceived as being either centralized (top‐down) or decentralized (bottom‐up). Centralized planning dominated the early development decades, but disappointing results greatly lessened its appeal and paved the way for participatory and decentralized planning. Both types of planning are evident today, but the question has arisen as to whether top‐down and bottom‐up planning can be successfully combined into one effective, efficient, and popular system. This question is examined through the case of Bhutan where central planning was introduced at the outset of the country's push for modernization and today leads the way in the country's pursuit of Gross National Happiness (GNH). However, central planning has been complemented with decentralized participatory planning at the subnational levels. Success in aligning the two planning modes has been achieved by incremental development of the planning system, orientation to the unifying national vision of GNH, a powerful central planning agency, actors at all levels who are able and knowledgeable in their planning roles, and processes that are well organized and proven to work to the satisfaction of all participants.

This article examines the early years of democratization in the small Himalayan Kingdom of Bhutan. Once a reclusive country, Bhutan embarked on a gradual path of socioeconomic modernization and opening up to the rest of the world. A most significant step on that path was the decision to democratize. The first national democratic elections were held in 2007–2008. In 2013, the second national elections took place and marked an appropriate moment to assess the progress of democratization in Bhutan. This article not only analyzes the electoral experience but also evaluates what has occurred in other areas of democratization including the rule of law, accountability of government, civil society, and freedom of expression. The article concludes that Bhutan has made good progress in democratization on many fronts but that its trajectory is unique, reflecting the particular context of Bhutan and the overriding concern with stability in political and social life.