Suchergebnisse

The article's main goal is to present the economic and social aspects of the development of ancient Russia. The paper is devoted to the problem of the formation of the territory of Kievan Rus through the prism of the development of civilization.

In the Western world, a hijab is seen as a special form of oppression of women who are hidden and fully controlled by men. In this context, it seems to be interesting what Muslim men thought about the veil, how they interpreted Islamic law, its Koranic verses and hadiths that refer to the title issue to justify that it is not necessary to apply it. The article's purpose is to present the views of two Muslim modernists – the Egyptian: Kasim Amin and Tatar, and Musa Bigijew – on issues related to women's rights in Islam regarding the obligation to cover up women. The author tries to answer the following questions: is it really possible to consider their thoughts as a manifestation of a kind of struggle for women's rights and efforts to "liberate" them? To what extent the views on the isolation of women in the Arab-Muslim world have changed in the time between the publishing of both analysed texts; and whether Musa Bigijew considered the socio-political changes that took place in the Middle East in the 1920s?

The development of the Muslim religion in the Russian Federation is undoubtedly a very important and, at the same time, interesting element influencing the contemporary socio-political situation in Russia. One of the most important components of religious revival in this country was the change in the Russian Muslims' attitude to issues related to religiosity. In the conditions of religious pluralism, Muslims in Russia, scientists, thinkers, and publicists often refer to the intellectual output of Russian Muslim socio-political activists whose activity took place at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries. The article aims to show how the jadidism movement is being received in contemporary Russia. Nowadays, the ideas of jadidism are also the pretext for discussing the nature of Russian Islam and its future.

This article explores the relationships between memory politics and museums. It shows the institutionalisation of the past, which supports both the creation of historical narratives and the visibility of national identity. Analysing the Sarajevo museums dedicated to the 1992–1995 war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the author shows how contemporary institutions have become carriers of collective memory and incubators of the national identity of Bosnian Muslims.

During the Cairo negotiations (December 4–7, 1942), the British, supported by the Americans, tried to persuade the Turks to make the air bases on their territory available to the Allies on February 14, 1944. This date was correlated with British preparations for attacking Rhodes as part of Operation Hercules. Throughout the rest of December and mid-January 1944, the British tried to convince the Ankara government to accept the terms of cooperation. The staff consultations which proceeded in early January highlighted the differences in the perception of the war situation by both sides, which eventually led to the breakdown of negotiations and the suspension of British military aid to Turkey. Nevertheless, the British government did not decide to break the treaty of mutual aid with the Turkey and this decision was influenced by political and military factors that was not directly related to the plans of capturing the Dodecanese.

Understanding the importance of Japan's place in the South Korean nationalism helps to explain the causes of contemporary conflicts between Seoul and Tokyo. The power of the anti-Japanese resentments in South Korea can surprise outside observers who do not take into account the importance of nationalism. While everyday anti-Japanese resentments may go unnoticed, they are reproduced by "banal" nationalism. Due to this, they can be used for national mobilization at any time. This research examines South Korean nationalism based on anti- Japanese resentments, which can now be described as reactivist nationalism. This concept is proposed in our text to describe the change in the function of Korean nationalism based on anti-Japanese resentments while still putting Japan (or rather, a certain rhetorical vision of Japan as a colonizer) in the role of the Significant Other. Anti-Japanese resentments began to function as a means of mobilizing the nation in response not only to Japanese actions, seen as provocations, but also to express the people's dissatisfaction with their own government (by linking authoritarian rule with the legacy of the colonial period). Understanding the role of anti-Japanese resentment is a key to assessing South Korea's decisions, both domestically and internationally.