Suchergebnisse

Die Arbeit beschäftigt sich mit der Frage, wie Forderungen der Nutzer von Frequenzen im Rahmen der Frequenzpolitik der Europäischen Gemeinschaft und der Bundesrepublik Deutschland Berücksichtigung finden und in entsprechende Rechtsakte eingearbeitet werden. Dabei ist zu beachten, dass das Frequenzspektrum welt- und europaweit zu einem wichtigen wirtschaftlichen, kulturellen und politischen Faktor geworden ist. Die Nachfrage nach Frequenzen steigt ständig. Daher müssen Entscheidungen darüber getroffen werden, wie die Nachfrage und das Angebot an Frequenzen in das erforderliche Gleichgewicht gebracht werden können. Die Kommission der EG veröffentlichte zu diesem Zwecke im Jahre 1998 ein "Grünbuch zur Frequenzpolitik". Mit Hilfe dieses Grünbuches sollte durch Anhörung der interessierten Parteien festgestellt werden, auf welchen Gebieten der Frequenzpolitik und in welchem Umfang die EG tätig werden sollte. Im Ergebnis der Anhörung wurde im Jahre 2002 ein Paket von Rechtsakten zur Kommunikationspolitik verabschiedet, das in nationales Recht umzusetzen war. Auf Grundlage dieses neuen EG-Rechtsrahmens erfolgte im Jahre 2004 eine Novellierung des deutschen Telekommunikationsgesetzes. Im Rahmen der Arbeit wird ausführlich untersucht, welche Forderungen die Frequenznutzer während der Anhörung zum Grünbuch zur Frequenzpolitik gestellt haben und inwieweit diesen Bedürfnissen im Rahmen der auf dem Grünbuch fußenden Gesetzgebung durch die EG und die BRD tatsächlich Rechnung getragen wird.

This is the first study that assesses the economic effects of direct democratic institutions on a cross country basis. Most of the results of the former intra-country studies could be confirmed. On the basis of some 30 countries, a higher degree of direct democracy leads to lower total government expenditure (albeit insignificantly) but also to higher central government revenue. Central government budget deficits are lower in countries using direct democratic institutions. As former intra-country studies, we also find that government effectiveness is higher under strong direct-democratic institutions and corruption lower. Both labor and total factor productivity are significantly higher in countries with direct democratic institutions. The low number of observations as well as the very general nature of the variable used to proxy for direct democracy clearly call for a more fine-grained analysis of the issues.

Gedruckt in: Breton, Albert (u.a.) (Hrsg.): Rational foundations of democratic politics. Cambridge, 2003.

This paper analyzes whether nation-state governments can increase their credibility by becoming members of international organizations. Credibility is an important asset because it determines the real interest rate and is expected to have an important impact on investment and growth. It is hypothesized that the degree of delegation to international organizations can improve the credibility of nation-state governments. This hypothesis is tested by introducing a new indicator. On the basis of 136 countries, various versions of an indicator of international delegation are highly significant for explaining variation in countries' credibility. The effect of international delegation on credibility is particularly strong among the group of lower income countries (N=60).

Judicial independence is not only a necessary condition for the impartiality of judges, it can also endanger it: judges that are independent could have incentives to remain uninformed, become lazy or even corrupt. It is therefore often argued that judicial independence and judicial accountability are competing ends. In this paper, it is, however, hypothesized that they are not necessarily competing ends but can be complementary means towards achieving impartiality and, in turn, the rule of law. It is further argued that judicial accountability can increase per capita income through various channels one of which is the reduction of corruption. First tests concerning the economic effects of JA are carried out drawing on the absence of corruption within the judiciary as well as data gathered by the U.S. State Department as proxies. On the basis of 75 countries, these proxies are highly significant for explaining differences in per capita income.

Explores whether Islamic values are compatible with the three basic institutions of a free society: the rule of law, constitutional democracy, & a market economy. The successful functioning of these core values depends on their compatibility with a country's underlying values. A look at these institutions in the Islamic world indicates that where they exist they differ considerably from their realization elsewhere. Special attention is given to the impact of Islam's "economic ethics" on the three central institutions. The results of opinion polls conducted in 14 countries in April-May 2003 by the Pew Research Center for the People & the Press are drawn upon to review opinions held by Muslims on government & social issues. Although Islamic values are generally not conducive with the establishment/maintenance of free-society institutions, the poll results suggest that the attitudes of Muslim populations are surprisingly compatible with many of the preconditions needed for these core institutions. Prospects for the successful establishment of democracy in Afghanistan & Iraq are discussed. 4 Tables, 43 References. J. Lindroth