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Local government managers are increasingly on the front lines of the unprecedented challenge of climate change. Preparing Your (Small) Community for Climate Impacts offers a quick reference for ways to adapt your community to the hazards of climate change and describes how small local governments are developing adaptation best practices.

In this timely book, experts from a wide range of disciplines take opposing views on such important gender controversies as learning and knowing, conversational style, partner violence, sexuality, leadership styles, and pornography. Mary Roth Walsh follows the format she established in her highly acclaimed book The Psychology of Women, presenting new issues and perspectives on subjects sure to intrigue all students of gender studies

Feminists have long been aware of the pathology and the dangers of what are now termed "adaptive preferences." Adaptive preferences are preferences formed in unconscious response to oppression. Thinkers from each wave of feminism continue to confront the problem of women's internalization of their own oppression, that is, the problem of women forming their preferences within the confining and deforming space that patriarchy provides. All preferences are, in fact, formed in response to a (more or less) limited set of options, but not all preferences are unconscious, pathological responses to oppression. Feminist theory therefore requires a method for distinguishing all preferences from adaptive or deformed preferences. Social contract theory provides such a tool. Social contract theory models autonomous preference‐acquisition and retention at both the external level of causation and the internal level of justification. In doing so, social contract theory exposes preferences that do not meet those standards, acting as both a conceptual test that identifies adaptive preferences and as a practical tool for personal and social clarification. A social contract approach helps persons and societies to identify and to confront preferences rooted in unconscious response to oppression.

This article, contrary to many feminist interpretations, argues that Rawls's work reflects not a patriarchal inability to address coercive family structures, but a deep understanding of the role of family life in expressing diversity, individual goods, and liberty. Moreover, his later espousal of a political liberalism founded on fairness and cooperation signifies not a shift toward toleration of either patriarchy or oppression in the family. Rather, by understanding the relationship between the political and the comprehensive as porous, and as neither dichotomous nor distinctly separate realms, Rawls proposes an effective strategy for combating oppression in the family while protecting comprehensive ends from political oppression. Ultimately, his paradigm accounts for the actual and the potential practices, and for the coercive and the voluntary aspects, of family life. He thus pushes "the limits of the possible.". Adapted from the source document.

Feminist critics of Locke perceive a conflict between his promise of political liberty and equality and women's individual and social circumstances. Many feminists point to an incongruence in Locke's thought between formal political rights and the substantive inequalities women experience in a variety of social relationships. Emphasizing Locke's liberal distinction between private and public, these feminists explore how women's actual personal, marital, familial and economic (i.e., private) positions mitigate against the possibility of political emancipation for women. Opposing this interpretation, this article will argue that Locke's feminist critics misread Locke and misinterpret his distinction between private and public. What some feminists represent as a dichotomy between public and private is actually for Locke a multitude of interacting spheres in which individuals live. An examination of these spheres will reveal a latent potential in Locke's philosophy for addressing women's particular circumstances.