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This paper examines some of the similarities between finance and security from a global governance perspective. We argue that finance and security share a number of similar properties in terms of prevailing arrangements at the level of global governance, and also a number of problems which we conceptualize as problems of governance capacity. Such similarities, we argue, are not unique to these domains but actually tell us something about the character of global governance as a whole. In so doing, we argue that the evolution in thinking about governance challenges and the institutional solutions required to meet them further underscores an already pernicious dynamic at work in global governance. Adapted from the source document.

The desire to overcome the alienated labor of capitalism manifests itself in the daily actions of people everywhere. John Holloway argues that social movements must build upon this liberatory impulse, challenging not only the rate of exploitation but also workers' loss of control over the process of production and allocation (and, by implication, the loss of control in other arenas of life). Revolutionary change, in turn, will result from these movements creating thousands of 'cracks' in the capitalist system by asserting alternative ways of living. Holloway's argument for prefigurative movements is ambiguous on several points, however: the role of political organizations, the role of alternative institutions, and the appropriate approach of social movements to the state. We propose some friendly amendments, placing greater emphasis on the need for strong political organizations and counter-institutions, but also for selective engagement with dominant institutions. A revolutionary strategy must combine the construction of prefigurative counter-institutions with struggles for reform of existing structures. Yet the dangers of oligarchization and hierarchy within movements are very real, and thus there is a need for structures that are ruthlessly democratic and ideologies that are explicitly intersectional in their approach to fighting different forms of oppression.

Since the early 2000s, there has been a groundswell of research on terrorism and sports mega-events, including investigations into the impact of '9/11' on fear and risk management strategies at high profile sports events. In this article, we re-examine the case of the Salt Lake City Winter Games of 2002 around Baudrillard's (1995) concept of the 'non-event'. We compare the (largely British and North American) mass mediation and discursive framing of terrorism at the 2002 Games with subsequent discourses interwoven into accounts of terrorism, fear and security at the 2004 Summer Olympic Games in Athens and the 2006 Winter Olympic Games in Turin. Of principal interest is the global framing of sports mega-events as targets of terrorism and the ways in which such events become fabricated zones of risk. To understand why there is a lingering media construction of the sports mega-event as an imagined target (and, in many ways, pre-constructed victim) of terrorism, we draw centrally on Baudrillard's work (1995, 2001, 2002a, 2002b). Specifically, we employ Baudrillard's concepts of the hyperreal and the non-event as a means of exploring terrorism's relationship with sport, and the potential usage of such theoretical ideas in the sociology of sport and physical culture more broadly.

One of the enduring controversies found in the literature on the role that sport plays in social development is whether this assumed relationship is weak or robust. Despite evidence both for and against the 'sport-enhances-social-development' model, a rapidly expanding cluster of case studies and a growing literature in a number of disciplines, there remain entire countries which have not been systematically explored and where almost no sociological research is available in English. Cambodia is one such case. Based upon qualitative methods (specifically interviews and observation) and as part of an ongoing study, this article reports on an incipient sport initiative (the Siem Reap Hotel Football League) in northern Cambodia. Emphasizing that sport is 'contested terrain' and may simultaneously improve and exacerbate existing social relations in any setting, our data show that any promise sport offers communities in either a micro or macro sense should be viewed through the lens of caution and circumspection.

This article offers an analysis of the regulation of financial activities worldwide, considering both what works and what doesn't. While major successes in international financial regulation have been achieved, considerable deficiencies remain. These, however, are not exclusive to the financial sphere, but reveal disturbing similarities to the current regimes of both security regulation and environmental protection. The financial failings of global government, together with the renewed reform efforts, require a new framework in order to improve existing institutions and deal with specific problems, as well as for a more comprehensive reformulation of the current multilateral order. Adapted from the source document.

Sociologists have been slow to turn their attention to 'blood sports' involving animals or activities where animals suffer neglect and abuse. Although there seems to be a heightened sense of public contempt in many countries toward the outwardly cruel treatment of animals such as dogs, and toward the place of animals in 'sport' per se, the ways in which racing greyhounds may be enmeshed in wider formations of sports-related abuse and violence continues to be ignored. In this article, data gathered on greyhound abuse in the North American racing figuration are examined in the process of understanding the social chains of interdependence necessary to perpetuate 'tolerable' deviance against the dogs. Using central tenets of figurational sociology, patterns of neglect and abuse are discussed and conceptual typologies of the main 'players' in the greyhound figuration are outlined.

Partant de l'approche culturelle de l'analyse des sous‐cultures observées chez les jeunes, cette enquête sur le terrain menée dans une ville de l'Ouest canadien examine les significations que nos sujets accordent à leur appartenance à un sous‐groupe de skinheads qui se veut apolitique. Notre étude remet en cause une certaine image que l'on se fait du mouvement skinhead. En dépit des idées reçues qui véhiculent une apparente homogénéité, notre recherche montre que la sous‐culture skinhead est à la fois complexe et multidimensionnelle et qu'elle offre à ses membres un choix de modèles de comportements et d'orientations idéologiques, même s'ils sont souvent contradictoires. Notre analyse suggèe aussi que, loin d'être profondément contestataires ou révolutionnaires, les groupes de skinheads peuvent constituer un instrument de reproduction des rapports sociaux, en particulier les rapports entre les sexes, les groupes raciaux et les ethnies.Grounded in a cultural studies approach to youth subcultures and based on participant observation in a Western Canadian city, this study examines the meanings associated with membership for participants in a self‐described "non‐political" branch of the skinhead subculture. Despite popular images that imply homogeneity, the study shows that the skinhead subculture is both complex and multi‐dimensional and that it accommodates, albeit in often contradictory ways, a range of behavioural and ideological opportunities for its members. The study also suggests that, far from being resistant or transformative in any significant way, skinhead groups may represent a vehicle for social reproduction, specifically with respect to gender, race and ethnicity.

Recently, feminist work on sport and gender has begun to understand male tolerance of physical risk and injury as a constituting process that may enhance a particular brand of masculinization. For some men, the cultural meanings of physical danger and living with injury resonate with larger ideological issues of gender legitimacy and power. But how may women's tolerance of the potential for injury in sport be explained using this approach? Based on data from questionnaires and follow-up interviews with elite women athletes in Western Canada, this exploratory study reveals some parallel meanings of violence, pain, and injury for men and women athletes. The findings raise important theoretical questions regarding possible ambiguities in sports-related emancipation for women. On one hand, women are participating in, even colonizing, traditionally male-exclusive spaces in sport. On the other hand, many such spaces are being occupied by women athletes who, rather than participating in a transformation of the meaning of sport, appear to be contributing to a male-defined sports process replete with its violent, macho, and health-compromising aspects. Women's increasing participation in aggressive sport is interpreted as a dialectic, in which resistance to male dominance in sport is tempered by a degree of hegemonic incorporation.

Abstract
Non-financial corporations (NFCs) have acted as vocal and important allies with the financial industry when it comes to advocacy over regulatory policy. Why? We explore this question in the context of the lobbying activity surrounding the financial policy reforms in the USA following the global financial crisis. We propose a range of explanations for why some NFCs might become 'financial activists' in support of the financial industry, while others remain passive. We find a wide range of indicators of firm-level financialization to be unreliable predictors of NFC financial activism, in addition to indicators of potential external control by financial firms through their ownership structure or the presence of financial subsidiaries. Our finding instead show how NFC financial activism is related to how a given firm is embedded in broader structures of corporate networks, relational political action, and ideology.