Using a case study method, this article applies the Chicana feminist framework of Conocimiento as proposed by Gloria Anzaldúa to analyze the transformation of one individual as he readjusts to family life after imprisonment. José's story is presented in detail and begins with his arrest, conviction and time in prison for selling drugs. After his release from prison to live with his family in Northern California, the narrative then shifts to illustrate the principles of Conocimiento used by Jose's feminist sisters as a viable tool for transforming masculinities. According to the writings by Gloria Anzaldúa, the process of Conocimiento consists of seven stages that help individuals to reconsider and readjust their ideas, motivations, and beliefs, all in the service of moving forward in their lives. Conocimiento, in conjunction with an environment of caring broadly defined as community, family, and educators, can indeed offer valuable lessons in transforming Latino masculinities.
JEL Classification System: M16 – International Business Administration M31 - Marketing ; The main propose of this dissertation is to analyze the attractiveness of the Colombian market for Portuguese wine producers/exporters as well as the main challenges they face when entering in a different market where the consumption of wine is low. This study confronts two different cultures and histories in order to create a link between them with the purpose of performing their business relationship. On one side we have Portugal, a country with a close relationship with the wine industry and history, which is recognized for the production of unique wines (just produced in Portugal land), such as Porto wine and Green wine or Vinho Verde. It is one of the most important wine producer countries in the world. However, today the consumption of wine in Portugal is decreasing considerably, and experts suggest that the best alternative for Portuguese wine producers is to export their products and explore new markets. On the other side we have Colombia, a country that, time ago, was recognized for its problems with violence and drug trafficking. However, today Colombia is recognized for its Nobel Prize for Literature, Gabriel Garcia Marques; its excellent football players, James Rodriguez, Jackson Martinez and Radamel Falcao; its beautiful and talented women, Shakira and Sofia Vergara; its excellent coffee (considered the best coffee in the world); and also its multiple opportunities for investment. Without any doubt, Colombia is becoming an attractive market to invest in, because its political and economical situation is stable. It is considered the door of Latin American market and one of the most stable markets there. Since recently the Colombian market has become an attractive market for traders and exporters of wine from around the world due to some years ago the wine industry in Colombia is growing stronger and consumption of wine is increasing. Consequently, the Colombian market has become a market opportunity for producers and exporters of Portuguese wines that want to expand their business in Colombia. The Methodology of data collection used in this study is through in-depth interviews to wine producers in Portugal, wine traders in Colombia and different agencies involved in wine industry as well as agencies involved in the bilateral trade relationship between Portugal and Colombia. Subsequently, the interviews were confronted to the propositions developed according to the literature review. ; O principal objetivo deste trabalho é analisar a atratividade do mercado Colombiano para os produtores portugueses de vinho e quais são os principais desafios que eles afrontam na hora de entrar num diferente mercado onde o consumo do vinho é relativamente baixo. Este estudo confronta duas culturas e histórias diferentes, a fim de criar uma ligação entre eles com o objetivo de melhorar sua relação comercial. De um lado temos Portugal, um país com uma relação estreita com a indústria do vinho e da história, que é reconhecida pela produção de vinhos exclusivos (apenas produzidos em Portugal), como o vinho do Porto e Vinho Verde. É um dos países produtores de vinhos mais importantes no mundo. No entanto, hoje o consumo de vinho em Portugal está a diminuir consideravelmente. Os especialistas sugerem que a melhor alternativa para os produtores de vinho portugueses é exportar seus produtos e explorar novos mercados. Por outro lado, temos a Colômbia, um país que, outrora, foi conhecida por seus problemas com a violência e o tráfico de drogas. No entanto, hoje, a Colômbia é reconhecida por seu Prêmio Nobel de Literatura, Gabriel Garcia Marques; seus excelentes jogadores de futebol, como James Rodriguez, Jackson Martinez e Radamel Falcao; suas belas e talentosas mulheres, Shakira e Sofia Vergara; seu excelente café (considerado um dos melhores do mundo); e também suas múltiplas oportunidades de investimento. Sem dúvida alguma, a Colômbia está a tornar-se num mercado atraente para investir, devido à sua situação política e econômica se encontrar cada vez mais estável. Neste momento a Colômbia é considerada a porta de entrada da América Latina. No que à industria do vinho na Colômbia, concerne, verificamos um grande aumento no consumo, de à uns anos para cá. O mercado Colombiano está a tornar-se num mercado de investimento para os comerciantes de vinho e exportadores em todo o mundo e, consequentemente, um mercado oportunista para produtores e exportadores de vinhos portugueses, que querem expandir seus negócios para este país. A metodologia de coleta de dados baseou-se na elaboração de entrevistas em profundidade a produtores portugueses e comerciantes da Colômbia, bem como a diferentes agências envolvidas na indústria do vinho e na relação comercial bilateral entre Portugal e Colômbia. Posteriormente, o resultado das mesmas foram cruzados com as proposições desenvolvidas neste estudo, a fim de verificar a aceitação das mesmas.
Political economy played a central role in the construction of the new Republic of Colombia through the influence of Ezequiel Rojas. In his pursuit of theoretical and practical guidance to organize a new society of free individuals pledged to happiness, Rojas looked to political economy for inspiration. However, the sources that Rojas drew on did not belong to the tradition of classical political economy; he based his own approach on other, less traditional sources; namely utilitarianism and ideology. In this text I aim to reconstruct this approach, showing its tensions and contradictions and the way in which Rojas tried to address them through religion. ; La economía política jugó un papel importante en la construcción de la nueva República de Colombia en cabeza de Ezequiel Rojas. En busca de elementos teóricos y prácticos para organizar una nueva sociedad de individuos libres y destinados a la felicidad, Rojas buscó en la economía política inspiración. Sin embargo, no era la economía política clásica la que Rojas difundía en sus enseñanzas. Rojas construyó su propia propuesta a partir de tradiciones e influencias menos usuales: el utilitarismo y la ideología. En este texto pretendo reconstruir esa propuesta, mostrando sus tensiones y contradicciones y la manera como Rojas intentó conciliarse recurriendo a la religión.
Este trabajo de investigación analiza, desde la cosmovisión neorrealista de las Relaciones Internacionales, los alcances del Plan de Desarrollo de la Fuerza Armada Nacional Bolivariana, Plan Sucre, y las repercusiones que su consolidación tendrá para la seguridad nacional de Colombia. Inicialmente se plantea un marco teórico y conceptual, lo cual permite avanzar al segundo capítulo el cual tiene como propósito fundamental describir en qué consiste el Plan Sucre. El capítulo tres analiza los avances más representativos del Plan, lo cual abre paso al cuarto capítulo donde se consideran las repercusiones que el Plan Sucre tiene para la seguridad nacional de Colombia. En la fase conclusional se presentan los resultados de la investigación, donde se puede evidenciar que, si bien es cierto que el Plan Sucre tiene serias repercusiones para la seguridad de Colombia, los más afectados con éste son los miembros de la oposición al gobierno revolucionario. Es decir, los mismos venezolanos que se declaren en contra de la Revolución Bolivariana. ; This research analyzes from the neo-realist world view of international relations, the scope of the Development Plan of the Bolivarian National Armed Forces, Sucre Plan, and the impact that its consolidation will have on the national security of Colombia. Initially a theoretical and conceptual framework is proposed, which afford advance to the second chapter which has as main purpose to describe what the Sucre Plan. Chapter three discusses the most representative advances Plan, which opens the way to the fourth chapter where we consider the implications that the Sucre Plan has national security of Colombia. The conclusional phase in the research results, which can be demonstrated that, whetrer it is well known that the Sucre plan has serious implications for the security of Colombia, the most affected by this are the members of the opposition to the revolutionary government. That is, the Venezuelans who declare themselves against the Bolivarian Revolution.
In the current Peruvian context, the provincial mayors face serious problems to remain inoffice or to pursue a future political race. In this scenario, the social conflicts arise as an alternative for obtaining such legitimacy; however, depending on the type of participation adopted, the mayor could or could not be benefited from such an opportunity. The paper presents an analysis of the participation of those authorities in social conflicts and its effects on his political career.It is argued that the participatory scheme, which provides a clear firmness in support of demands immediately; but, at the same time, the ability to negotiate with the State; would yield the expected political revenue. On the other hand, if the authority is very weak or very radical, his attempts to use the social conflict to their advantage could fail. To test this hypothesis, I studied the conflicts of Arequipa in 2002 and Espinar in 2012. ; En el actual contexto peruano, los alcaldes provinciales enfrentan serios problemas para mantenerse en el cargo obtenido o perseguir un futuro político. En este escenario, los conflictos sociales aparecen como una alternativa para obtener dicha legitimidad; sin embargo, dependerá del tipo de participación que se adopte si es que el alcalde se ve o no beneficiado de dicha opor- tunidad. El documento plantea un análisis de la participación de dichas autoridades en los con- flictos sociales y los efectos de ésta en su carrera política.En ese sentido, se argumenta que el esquema de participación, que contempla una clara firmeza en apoyo a las demandas de manera inmediata; pero, a la vez, la capacidad de negocia- ción con el Estado; permitiría obtener el rédito político esperado. De otro lado, si la autoridad es o muy débil o muy radical, sus intentos de utilizar el conflicto social para su beneficio podrían fracasar. Para comprobar dicha hipótesis, se estudiaron los conflictos de Arequipa en el año 2002, y el conflicto de Espinar en el 2012.
In: Cuadernos de economía: publicación del Departamento de Teoría y Política Económica, Facultad de Ciencias Económicas, Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Band 33, Heft 62, S. 7-31
Durante el mandato del General Antonio Guzmán Blanco fue de gran significación para la historia de educación venezolana el decreto de Instrucción Pública Gratuita y Obligatoria, dictado el 27 de junio de 1887 con el cual se fortaleció el sistema educativo expresado en un aumento progresivo de Escuelas Federales y Colegios. En tal sentido, en la presente investigación realizamos un estudio acerca de la historia de la educación en el entonces Estado Zamora (hoy Barinas) durante el Guzmancismo (1870-1888) mediante el uso de fuentes documentales manuscritas e impresas, así como algunos rotativos de circulación regional del periodo indicado. ; The government of General Antonio Guzmán Blanco became a milestone in the history of Venezuelan education because of the decree for Compulsory Public Education signed on June 27, 1870. The new educational system allowed the construction of new federal schools and colleges. This study explores the history of education in the former State of Barinas, named Zamora State, during the government of Antonio Guzmán Blanco (1870-1888). Manuscripts and books were used, as well as some regional newspapers that circulated during those years. ; O decreto de Educação Pública Gratuita e Obrigatória ditado em 27 de junho de 1887, durante o mandato do General Antonio Guzmán Blanco, foi de grande importância para a história da educação venezuelana, já que se fortaleceu o sistema educativo com o aumento progressivo de Escolas Federais e Colégios. Neste sentido, na presente pesquisa realizamos um estudo acerca da história da educação no Estado Zamora (atualmente Barinas) durante o Guzmancismo (1870-1888), mediante o uso de fontes documentais manuscritas e impressas, assim como alguns jornais regionais do período indicado. ; 703 - 710 ; hurtadosamuel@gmail.com ; cuatrimestral
Immigrants, whether characterized as "illegal aliens" or "undocumented workers," have been a constant feature of California history from its beginning. This essay looks at immigration controversies during the Mexican era. Hurtado finds striking parallels with todays immigration debates. This history, he argues, should help us to think more creatively and humanely about the problem of the border.