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SummaryThis paper examines rates of marital childlessness in the developing countries of the world and separates them into voluntary, involuntary and related components through a decision-tree model based on fecundity, contraceptive behaviour, pregnancy status, age, years married, and other variables. The principal data are taken from World Fertility Surveys. The conclusion is reached that virtually all of the permanent childlessness in the developing countries examined is involuntary.

We perform a content analysis of twenty marriage and family textbooks published between 1950 and 2000 to study how the voluntarily childless are presented in undergraduate courses. Throughout the time period studied, independence, pursuit of a career, and romance were prominent themes in the representation of voluntary childlessness. Other themes emerged specific to each decade—the 1950s portrayed parenthood as a challenge, while the 1990s concentrated on alleviating negative stereotypes of the voluntarily childless.

"In order to explain the increasing childlessness in numerous European countries since the 1960s, research points to sociocultural changes on the one hand and rising costs of family formation on the other hand. Yet, there is no comprehensive theory capable of integrating both causes and their interaction. This paper discusses the possibilities of an integrative model which is based on frame selection theory. The model refers to decisions in relationships and discusses the interaction between sociocultural orientations and structural incentives. The resulting hypothesis that the effects of incentives on family formation depend on the situational compatibility of a family-framed relationship perception is subsequently empirically tested using the German family survey panel (Familiensurvey)." (author's abstract)

Abstract: This paper focuses on childlessness in Germany and Japan and its sociological meanings in family formation in postmodern societies. First, it shows the trends of fertility decline and increasing childlessness, and clarifies the similarities and differences in both countries, by comparing parity composition, educational attainment, and other socioeconomic correlates of childlessness. Second, using the data of attitudinal surveys, such as the 2003 Population Policy Acceptance Study (PPAS) in Germany and the 13th National Fertility Survey (JNFS; 2005) in Japan, the reasons for having no children are observed. Third, referring to the discussions of German scholars, it tries to explain the sociological meanings of childlessness and to describe the development toward a childless society (even if it's demographically not sustainable) as one of the possible consequences of the Second Demographic Transition. Important findings are as follows: (1) In Germany the fertility decline began early in the mid‐1960s but in Japan later from mid‐1970s so that the increase of childlessness has been a little delayed. The proportion of childless women in Western Germany increased to 28% for the 1967 cohort. In Japan, it has increased to 12.7% for the 1960 cohort, but is expected to reach 30% for the 1970 cohort. (2) The educational gap in childlessness is clearly observed in Germany; however, this is not so simple in Japan. Corresponding with the increase of childlessness, the desired number of children in average is declining. The emergence of a child‐free culture is observed in Germany by PPAS, but not yet in Japan by JNFS. (3) Polarization may proceed further in both countries, between childless people and people with many children.