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While extant research on news avoidance has been conducted mainly in democratic societies, this article examines intentional news avoidance in a society undergoing severe democratic backsliding. Given the decline of political freedom and democratic institutions, citizens in such contexts may become frustrated with ongoing political change and withdraw from public affairs and the news. This could result in a form of intentional, politically driven, and topical news avoidance. At the individual level, such news avoidance is likely to be influenced by political attitudes, ability to adapt, and news affect and cognition. Analysis of survey data from post-National Security Law Hong Kong finds that negative news affect and perceived news efficacy explain intentional avoidance of news about social and political change, whereas political trust, belief in civil liberties, and adaptiveness relate to news avoidance only indirectly through negative news affect and perceived news efficacy. Theoretical implications of the findings are discussed.

Democratic backsliding by incumbents is one of the most prevalent forms of backsliding in recent global trends of democratic erosion. Understanding the attitude of voters toward backsliding incumbents is crucial because popular support is the basis of legitimacy for these incumbents. This article studies voter attitudes in the Philippines, where democracy was subverted by the incumbent president, Rodrigo Duterte, who served from 2016 to 2022. Specifically, we examine the validity of the claim that Filipino voters are acquiring a "taste for illiberal rule" made by some scholars. First, we analyzed the survey data regarding the support for various types of political systems, where part of the data comes from our originally commissioned survey at the Social Weather Stations. Second, we explored Pulse Asia's longitudinal survey data on martial-rule support. Our investigation of these survey data did not find substantive support for the "taste for illiberal rule" proposition. Further, we argue that Filipino voters are contingent supporters of illiberal politics while supporting the procedural principles of democracy at the baseline.

It has long been argued that the end of the 20th century marked the triumph of liberal democracy. The third wave of democracy has increased the number of democracies in the world unprecedentedly and gave hope to many that democratic revolution is underway. However, in the last decade, this democratization process seems to have halted; there has been decline both in the number and quality of democracies. This thesis proposes an agent-based theory of democratic backsliding. More specifically, it is argued that leaders with undemocratic normative preferences and their ability to mobilize previously persecuted segments of society are the driving factors behind the present-day authoritarian resurgence. While the leader's fight with the oppressors of the marginalized group can bring a short-term of democratization, we argue that the unconditional support given by the marginalized group to the leader can allow the leader to undermine democracy by removing the checks on his power. The paper attempts to investigate similarities in the process of democratic derogation in a comparative case study of Venezuela and Turkey. The study shows that the support given to Erdogan and Chavez by the previously persecuted groups in their respective countries, religious/conservatives in Turkey and poor in Venezuela, allowed both leaders to undermine democracy in a subtle and incremental way. ; 2018-08-01 ; M.A. ; Sciences, Political Science ; Masters ; This record was generated from author submitted information.

A notable development in 21st-century American politics is the rise of affective polarization: partisans increasingly dislike and distrust those affiliated with the other political party. We offer a wide-ranging review of the nature of party identification; the factors that contribute to affective polarization; and the consequences of this kind of polarization on electoral politics, democratic transgressions, and democratic functioning. We conclude that there is scant evidence of a direct link between affective polarization and democratic backsliding in the U.S., and we argue that understanding the erosion of democratic norms and institutions means that we should consider a wider range of potential causal factors among elites and the general citizenry. Affective polarization has likely made democratic functioning more difficult, though, so interventions to address it are worthwhile: these should focus on core causes rather than on behavioral symptoms.

In this thematic cluster, we explore why and how democratic erosion in post-Communist Europe has led to widespread civic mobilization. We set out the goals and motivations of citizens who choose to protest in defense of liberal democracy. We also compare across cases what pro-democracy protestors believe they have achieved by protesting—and what kinds of changes they believe are needed to end or attenuate the democratic erosion that sent them into the streets. The different contributions to this special section highlight variation in the role of elections: while protestors in some countries expect electing a new government to bring substantial, positive change, protestors in other countries consider that long-term structural reforms are needed. Still other protestors choose to back an electoral boycott as a way to express their opposition to the regime. Even when protests do not achieve short-term goals, such as spurring policy reversals, policy reforms, or changes in government, protestors believe that they raise awareness in society about democratic processes and the role of citizens in them. We also explore how democratic backsliding has impacted the rights of the LGBTQ+ community, which has generally benefited from democratization over the last three decades in post-Communist Europe.

This article discusses how electoral irregularities contributed to democratic backsliding in Venezuela under chavista rule (1999-2019). It draws from an original database of electoral irregularities created from primary and secondary sources covering a total of 24 electoral contests. I find that Venezuela experienced 117 electoral irregularities during this twenty-year period. Almost every electoral contest exhibited one irregularity, if not more. Electoral irregularities served two goals: to provide double insurance for the ruling party, and to encourage abstentionism (and divisions) across the opposition. They also increased every time the ruling party felt more electorally threatened. The article proposes a typology of irregularities applicable to other cases. It also evaluates how the opposition responded to the rise of irregularities, pointing out strategies that failed and those that worked. Resumen: Retroceso democrático por irregularidades electorales: El caso de Venezuela.Este artículo discute cómo las irregularidades electorales contribuyeron al retroceso democrático en Venezuela bajo gobiernos chavistas (1999-2019). Se fundamenta en una base de datos inédita de irregularidades electorales creada a partir de fuentes primarias y secundarias que cubren un total de 24 procesos electorales. Venezuela cometió 117 irregularidades electorales durante este período de veinte años. En casi todos los procesos electorales hubo al menos una irregularidad. Las irregularidades electorales cumplieron dos objetivos: proporcionar un doble seguro para el partido gobernante y alentar la abstención (y la división) en toda la oposición. También aumentaron cada vez que el partido gobernante se vio más amenazado electoralmente. El artículo propone una tipología de irregularidades aplicables en otros casos. También evalúa cómo respondió la oposición al aumento de las irregularidades, señalando las estrategias que fallaron y las que funcionaron.

The United States has been the main promoter of democratic values in the world for decades. After the Cold War, promoting these values in Central and Eastern Europe, including Poland, was their important strategic goal. Poland, striving for the closest possible relations with the US, joined its efforts to promote democracy in Eastern Europe and other parts of the world. While this had tangible effects in the vicinity of Poland, doing so as part of military missions in Afghanistan and Iraq ended in failure. In recent years, Polish-American cooperation to promote democracy has been limited due to democratic backsliding in Poland. The American authorities have criticized the legal changes in Poland that limit the independence of the judiciary and freedom of the media, as well as other actions that violate the principles of liberal democracy and the rule of law. Criticism has a limited impact on stopping the regression of democracy in Poland. Moreover, with the outbreak of the war in Ukraine, the issue of democratic backsliding has been overshadowed by the military aspects of Polish-American cooperation. ; Stany Zjednoczone od dziesięcioleci są głównym promotorem wartości demokratycznych na świecie. Po zimnej wojnie promowanie tych wartości w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej, w tym w Polsce, było ich ważnym celem strategicznym. Polska, dążąc do jak najściślejszych stosunków z USA, włączyła się w działania na rzecz promocji demokracji w Europie Wschodniej i innych częściach świata. Choć miało to wymierne skutki w sąsiedztwie Polski, to w ramach misji wojskowych w Afganistanie i Iraku zakończyło się fiaskiem. W ostatnich latach polsko-amerykańska współpraca na rzecz promocji demokracji została ograniczona ze względu na demokratyczny regres w Polsce. Władze amerykańskie skrytykowały zmiany prawne w Polsce, które ograniczają niezależność sądownictwa i wolność mediów, a także inne działania naruszające zasady liberalnej demokracji i rządów prawa. Krytyka ma ograniczony wpływ na zatrzymanie regresu demokracji w Polsce. Ponadto ...

AbstractRadical‐right parties have gradually penetrated the political mainstream in many liberal democracies, marking a trend of 'democratic backsliding'. We propose that women's increasing visibility as representatives of radical‐right agendas makes democratic backsliders, their policies and their parties seem more legitimate, and may help explain their growing public acceptance. Our studies provide the first systematic examination of this hypothesis in three countries – Israel, Germany and the United States (N = 7203). In Studies 1a‐c, we show that voters perceive democracy‐eroding policies through a gendered lens – they attribute gender stereotypes to the parties promoting these policies and to the public supporting these policies. In Studies 2a‐c, we experimentally demonstrate the effect of politicians' gender on public acceptance of democracy‐eroding policies, politicians and parties, and demonstrate the role of gender stereotypes in mediating this effect. Finally, we show that the audiences susceptible to the mainstreaming effect of politicians' gender are precisely those that are often particularly repelled by radical‐right agendas and their perceived masculine image: Women and left‐wing voters.

Abstract
A burgeoning literature considers the domestic causes and consequences of democratic backsliding for public perceptions of democracy but has yet to fully examine the role of international factors in explaining these perceptions. Specifically, the effect of democratic backsliding in one democracy on public support for democratic principles in other countries has, thus far, defied theoretical and empirical investigation. Addressing this gap, we propose and test a theory of the effects of backsliding on global opinion in which information about democratic decline in one country can lead to increased support for authoritarian governance in another country. To test this, we use an original survey experiment in Israel where we test the effect of two narratives regarding the 2020 U.S. elections—one signaling democratic decline and one signaling democratic resilience—on support for authoritarian governance. We find that respondents exposed to the narrative of U.S. democratic decline were more supportive of authoritarian governance compared to respondents exposed to the narrative of democratic resilience. We further find marginal evidence that the respondents' ideological preferences condition the effect of narrative exposure. Our findings suggest that the democratic backsliding literature has insufficiently explored the global consequences of domestic events and processes on democratic decline worldwide.

Since the election of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) to power in the federal elections in India in 2014, the country's performance in key indicators of democratic quality has suffered. Over the course of its two terms in power, the party has sought to subvert key institutions for accountability, enact an ethno-cultural majoritarian electoral agenda, and use federal law enforcement agencies against their political opponents. While there is extensive literature on the erosion of civil-political rights in the past ten years, the effects of the BJP government on social rights like education and healthcare remain under-explored. Therefore, in this post, I explore three striking dimensions of primary educational policy under the BJP government.

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In the Berlin Perspectives series, the Institut für Europäische Politik (IEP) presents analyses of Germany's European policy to an English-speaking audience. The authors analyse German positions on current debates and provide policy recommendations based on their findings.The latest policy brief by York Albrecht is re-published on this blog in an extended version. You can find the