Suchergebnisse

학위논문(석사)--서울대학교 대학원 :국제대학원 국제학과(국제지역학전공),2019. 8. 한영혜. ; This dissertation examines the expectations impact of the "Belt and Road initiative "in Egypt economic and foreign policy. Particularly, that the 'BRI' has become the focal point of China's national strategy. However, the objective of BRI is a subject heavily debated by think tanks, academia, and public media since it's begun. This study investigates the current trends in Chinese outward foreign direct investment since the initiation of the 'One Belt, One Road' initiative by the Chinese government in 2013. For China, meanwhile, strategic interest in Egypt was also growing. Unlike China's other Middle Eastern partners, ties with Egypt are not motivated by oil imports, but by a more geographic calculus. The Suez Canal has long been China's primary shipping route for sending goods to Europe, China's largest market. As a result, China has been eager to increase its presence in the crucial canal for decades. This study examine Egypt's political situation with explanations of Egypt's revolutions history and the Arab Spring in addition to the motives behind Egypt's revolution in 2011. Furthermore, explanation for Egypt's economic perspective, Egypt's ODA and Egypt's economic, political, and social challenges. The study additional examines the motivation behind a comprehensive strategic partnership between China and Egypt, particularly in terms of the prorated slump in United State power and influence in the Middle East. In point of fact, it is expected that China can profit successively by acquisition a foothold within the Middle East. This study found a significant potential benefit for Egypt with the chance to function as the "hub" for the BRI into Africa and the Middle East. The Chinese have already selected it as one of the top 5 countries for acquisitions and mergers potential over the following 5 years. The Suez Canal Economic Zone (SCZone) could play a significant role for China as well by transferring Chinese production to the nations with substantial imports. ; 이 논문은 일대일로가 이집트 경제 및 대외 정책에 가져오는 기대 효과를 조사합니다. 일대일로는 중국 국가전략의 중심에 있습니다. 그러나 일대일로의 탄생부터 그것의 목적은 싱크 탱크, 학계 및 대중 매체에 의해 심도 있게 논의되어왔다. 이 연구는 중국 정부의 일대일로 계획의 시작인 2013 년부터 최근까지의 외국인직접투자의 동향을 조사합니다. 중국의 경우 이집트를 전략적인 관점에서 더욱더 바라보았습니다. 중국의 다른 중동 파트너들과의 관계와는 다르게 이집트와의 관계는 석유의 수입이 바탕이 되지 않고 지리적인 계산이 바탕이 됩니다. 중국은 오랫동안 유럽으로 수출을 할 때 수에즈 운하를 주된 운송경로로 이용해왔습니다. 결과적으로 중국은 수십 년 동안 이 핵심적인 운하에서 입지를 강화하기를 희망하였습니다. 이 연구는 이집트의 정치적인 현황, 이집트 혁명의 역사, 아랍의 봄, 그리고 2011 년 이집트 혁명의 동기에 대하여 살펴봅니다. 또한 이집트 경제의 전망, 이집트의 공적개발원조, 그리고 이집트의 경제적, 정치적, 사회적 문제에 대하여 설명합니다. 이 연구는 더 나아가 중국과 이집트간의 포괄적인 전략적 파트너십에 대한 동기를 특히 약화되고 분배된 미국의 중동 국가에 대한 권력을 중심으로 살펴봅니다. 중국은 중동에 발판을 마련함으로써 성공적으로 이득을 취할 수 있습니다. 이 연구는 이집트가 일대일로를 아프리카와 중동 지역에 연결해주는 허브역할을 함으로써 상당한 이득을 취할 수 있다는 점을 발견했습니다. 중국은 이미 5 년 내에 인수합병 시 잠재력이 가장 높은 상위 5 개국 중 하나로 이집트를 선정했습니다. 이집트는 인수합병 대상 나라 .또한 수에즈 운하 경제 수역은 수입이 상당한 나라들에게 중국의 생산품을 전달해주는 역할을 할 수 있습니다. ; Chapter I. Introduction…………………………………………….….…… 7 Chapter II. Egypt's Political and Economic Situation……………….….… 12 Chapter II. BRI initiative…………………………………….……………… 50 Chapter IV. Egypt and China economic and political relation ………….…86 Chapter II. Conclusion ………………………………….…………….….… 119 ; Master

This paper examines Philippine foreign policy under the Duterte government (2016–2022). During this period, Philippine foreign policy is widely acknowledged to have undergone dramatic shifts, with the government making friendly overtures towards China at the cost of its traditional alliance with the US. From a foreign policy analysis perspective, this paper explicitly focuses on the role of political leadership in guiding national foreign policy. This paper argues that the Duterte government made strategic use of political marketing in promoting its populist foreign policy. Thus, political marketing is used as an analytical lens with which to examine much of the rhetoric and behaviour of the Duterte government, particularly in regard to its response to the US–China rivalry. By engaging in this supposedly diplomatic game, the Duterte government tried to sell its foreign policy promises and outcomes as products even when its rhetoric was at times disconnected from its actual performance. Overall, this paper develops an alternative perspective from which to add to our understanding of the role of populist foreign policy initiatives in a fragile democratic setting. (Pac Rev / GIGA)

Report covers fiscal year. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Information incorporated into: United States. Office of Management and Budget. Budget of the United States Government.

The authors consider the core areas of
Lithuanian foreign policy. Special attention is
paid to the adjustment of the major foreign
policy vector, which concentrated earlier on
the cooperation with the United States of
America and strategic partnership with the
Republic of Poland. The article analyses the
attempts of Lithuanian president Dalia Grybauskaitė
to formulate the so-called «new
foreign policy» based on the multivector approach
to the intergovernmental cooperation.
This research is timely because of an increasing
influence of small states on foreign
policy decision-making within the European
Union. It emphasizes the need to analyse foreign
policy priorities of the Baltic States and
Central and Eastern European countries and
to identify the dominant trends in the international
policy in the region in order to forecast
further development at European and global
levels. This objective is achieved with the help
of an integrated approach with elements of
interdisciplinary research. Special attention
is paid to the comparative-historical approach,
which facilitates the analysis of the
relations between the Republic of Lithuania
and the neighbouring states and its principal
partners. Alongside traditional methods of
historical research, this work employs such
methods as participant observation, content
and event analysis, and simultaneous and
comparative analysis.
The research and practical significance
of this work is explained by its emphasis on
the need to apply an additional theoretical
framework to studies into the foreign policy
initiatives of the Republic of Lithuania in the
international arena. While earlier they were
determined by the value (democratic approach),
which was a reflection of American
realism, today an increasingly important factor
is the personality of the president, who
does not always positively influence the changing
policy of the country. The results of the
research contribute substantially to the understanding
of foreign policy processes taking
place in Lithuania and the region in general.

This book offers a theoretically informed study of recent Chinese initiatives to provide forms of regional economic governance; or as it is often termed in Chinese discourses, regional "public goods". It does so by considering the evolution of Chinese thinking on international relations and the global order, and by considering how the development of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, the Belt and Road Initiative, and the putative Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership reflect this change in thinking - and the change in both Chinese objectives and tactics.

AbstractThis article studies the formation process of China's belt and road initiative (BRI) – the most important Chinese foreign policy initiative under Xi Jinping. It argues that the BRI was put forward as a broad policy idea that was subsequently developed with relatively concrete content. During this process, the shifting international landscapes have gradually driven the BRI from a periphery strategy into a global initiative. By examining the case of Jiangsu Province, this article also shows how Chinese local governments have actively deployed their preferred narratives to influence and (re‐)interpret the BRI guidelines of the central government in order to advance their own interests. As a result, this produces a variety of competing, ambiguous and contradictory policy narratives of the BRI within China, which undermines the Chinese central government's monopoly on the BRI narratives. This leaves the BRI as a very vague and broad policy slogan that is subject to change and open to interpretation. In this regard, the existing analyses – that consider the BRI as Beijing's masterplan to achieve its geopolitical goals – pay insufficient attention to the BRI's domestic contestation and overstate the BRI's geopolitical implications.

This review examines Australian foreign policy for July to December 2020 through the framework of uncertainty. It argues that the Morrison government's handling of relations with China and its significant defence boost with the Defence Strategic Update signal a desire to placate various domestic pressures while at the same time responding to international tensions over security under an unpredictable Trump administration. At the same time, elements of Morrison's "negative" and "positive" globalism guided Australia's response to the COVID‐19 pandemic, with consequences for regional aid and diplomatic soft power. Foreign policy initiatives during this period, while sending positive optics, were undercut by a lack of a consolidated vision to ensure policy effectiveness. Wrestling aspects of "negative" and "positive" globalism also suggests that foreign policy under Morrison is at times contradictory in its interpretation of the national interest. This is especially prevalent on the question of climate change, which Morrison soon had to contend with as an incoming Biden administration promised ambitious goals in this area.

Several developments in Russian foreign policy in 2004 are examined. Although Russian foreign policy toward Ukraine encountered obstacles resulting from questions concerning the legitimacy of Ukraine's 2004 presidential election, it is stressed that the Chinese-Russian relations were considerably strengthened by successful negotiations regarding the integrity of Chinese and Russian national borders and that neither Chinese nor Russian leaders betrayed their respective national interests in achieving closure to this long-standing problem. Despite the relatively minor gains achieved in talks with the European Union, the outcome of the 2004 US presidential election, and the enlargement of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, it is stressed that none of these developments should prompt an irrational response from Russian leaders but that Russian leaders must reinforce Russian sovereignty. It is contended that foreign relations with Georgia and several Central Asian countries pose difficult problems for Russian officials; moreover, it is stated that relations between the European Union and the Russian Federation have worsened.

PRESIDENTIAL INITIATIVES TO CONGRESS ARE EXAMINED FOR CHANGES IN POLICY EMPHASIS OVER TIME. THE LOWI TYPOLOGY IS THE MEDIUM FOR THE ANALYSIS REVEALING CONSIDERABLE CHANGE IN PRESIDENTIAL ATTENTION. REGULATORY ISSUES, FOR EXAMPLE, ARE GROWING IN EMPHASIS WHILE REDISTRIBUTIVE ISSUES ARE BECOMING LESS PERVASIVE. THE TYPOLOGY DID DIFFERENTIATE AMONG POLICY ISSUES ACROSS TIME, POLITICAL PARTY, SELECTED YEARS IN OFFICE, AND LEGISLATIVE APPROVAL OF INITIATIVES. ALTHOUGH SOME RELATIONSHIPS WERE LARGELY AMELIORATED BY TIME, THE TYPOLOGY WAS DEEMED USEFUL FOR EXAMINING PRESIDENTIAL POLICY EMPHASES.