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[ES] The 2018-2019 campaign has become one of the worst in recent history for the Valencian citrus sector. The accumulated unrest of some of the most affected groups of producers has even led to unprecedented public protest mobilisation. The trigger has been the new trade agreement between the EU and South African countries. This agreement is part of the progressive liberalisation of citrus fruit imports by the EU. In this new scenario, weaknesses in the structure, organisation and commercial quality of the sector make it particularly vulnerable in abundant and accidental campaigns such as this. The consequences can be dramatic for many operators without profound changes in the sector's competitive strategies, which so far lack an inclusive and ambitious approach. Compes López, R.; García Alvarez-Coque, JM.; Martinez Gomez, VD. (2019). Trade agreements, competitiveness and crisis in Valencian citriculture. Distribution and consumption. 158 (3): 38-46. http://hdl.handle.net/10251/165520 ; 38 46 158 3 ; [ES] The 2018-2019 campaign has become one of the worst in recent history for the Valencian citrus sector. The accumulated unrest of some of the most affected groups of producers has even led to unprecedented public protest mobilisation. The trigger has been the new trade agreement between the EU and South African countries. This agreement is part of the progressive liberalisation of citrus fruit imports by the EU. In this new scenario, weaknesses in the structure, organisation and commercial quality of the sector make it particularly vulnerable in abundant and accidental campaigns such as this. The consequences can be dramatic for many operators without profound changes in the sector's competitive strategies, which so far lack an inclusive and ambitious approach. Compes López, R.; García Alvarez-Coque, JM.; Martinez Gomez, VD. (2019). Trade agreements, competitiveness and crisis in Valencian citriculture. Distribution and consumption. 158 (3): 38-46. http://hdl.handle.net/10251/165520 ; S ; [ES] The 2018-2019 ...

On the occasion of the publication of the book "The Choice of Civil War, Another History of Neoliberalism", this article first offers a brief history of Marxist discourses on Capitalism: starting from Marx's first speeches, it mentions the Marxist speeches extending his analyses of value, surplus value, its extraction and hoarding. He then points out the tendency of current Marxists to consider "neoliberalism" (current capitalism) only through the prism of the state and the political sphere in general: like the work cited, the manifesto of the dismayed economists shows the same tendency by focusing only on finance vs. the state (and Europe), and more militant works such as that of B. Friot ("vaincre Macron") or ATTAC ("l'imposture Macron") illustrate this same tendency.To sum up, Marxist discourses describe and denounce what the power of the capitalist allows (the subjugation of populations and the state in order to "make money") but neither describe nor denounce the laws and procedures that ensure this power. Of course, the subjugation of the population and the state to "make money" reinforces and increases this power, but sufficient power is a prerequisite for these subjugations.By considering only the perspective of the capitalist to "make money", the chapter "Genesis and perpetuation of capitalism" tells a past and present story to show that the state and its organisations are only instruments in the hand of the power of Capital, whether this state is right or left. It also shows that the exploitation of workers and the monopolisation of surplus value is only part of the monopolisation: the main monopolisation is the exclusive monopolisation of the means of production, and it is this exclusive monopolisation which founds the power of the capitalist over the political as well as over those who only have their labour power.The chapter "Exit from capitalism" tells a possible future history, a "resolutely left" history since it breaks the capitalist's exclusivity to possess the means of production, a legal ...

Luego of a tortuous peace process which culminated in an armed confrontation with the Farc-EP-guerrilla guerrilla, after the agreement was signed in September 2016, triggered calm positions that resulted in tensions of various kinds (those that persist until now) without any signs of peace; on the contrary, Colombia is experiencing one of the most complex and violent moments in its history, trapped in a political polarisation that ringes fundamentalism, perverting its judicial institutions, the police, the media and society in general, making it virtually impossible to engage in reflective dialogue between the different ideological positions, which have made even more visible the social clivages that have characterised the Colombian nation as one of the most fragmented in the hemisphere. In the light of the above, this article proposes, using a constructive approach and supported by a qualitative methodology such as the semi-structured interview and the analysis of swings dealing with the subject, to examine the Justicia-Medium-Polarisation equation, in order to identify the risks of instrumentalisation of media — or journalism — and how, a kind of structure of components deviates from its ontological duty. This coincides with an intensification of polarisation, which has made democracy untouched and threatens the rule of law when it comes to disqualification, thus undermining any balanced debate and causing a high degree of impact on the judicial system, in particular the search for a higher level of disrepute: The Supreme Court of Justice. ; Após um tortuoso processo de paz que culminou em confronto armado com a guerrilha das FARC-EP, a partir da assinatura do acordo em setembro de 2016, desencadearam-se posições críticas que geraram tensões de diversos tipos (que persistem até hoje) sem que cenas de paz sejam vislumbradas; ao contrário, a Colômbia vive um dos momentos mais complexos e violentos de sua história, presa em uma polarização política que beira o fundamentalismo, que permeia suas instituições ...

We have lived, we are living in a health crisis. This is not the first of history, probably not the last one. But it has a new specificity: for the first time, States favoured "Saving lives at the expense of the economy", as the sociologist Daniel Cohen says. Hence the importance of your debates and exchanges. Because talking about a "new world" continually is interesting, but it is also important to know why, where, with, for and by whom? or, failing that, to say cynically, what is important is that everything makes no difference to make nothing change" to speak a famous quote. ; Nous avons vécu, nous vivons une crise sanitaire. Ce n'est pas la première de l'histoire, probablement pas la dernière. Mais celle-ci comporte une spécificité nouvelle : pour la première fois, les Etats ont privilégié « Sauver des vies au détriment de l'économie » comme le dit le sociologue Daniel Cohen. D'où l'importance de vos débats et de vos échanges. Car parler continuellement d'un « nouveau monde », c'est certes intéressant mais encore faudrait-il savoir pourquoi, où, avec, pour et par qui ? ou alors à défaut se dire cyniquement, que ce qui est important c'est que tout change pour que rien ne change » pour parodier une citation célèbre.

This article shows how certain practices in contempary art enrich the analysis and critical reflections on digital culture, taking art history and museology as two important issues. The training on cultural aspects of its Relational and participatory value in networks; the latter is related to the effects of this value in the visualisation and channelling of works of Article What is the nature of my appropriation of art when I'm invented to choose works, on a muster's website, to create "my collection," my art gallery, "my personal museum?" Does this type of invitation favours the democratisation of art knowledge? On the contrary, do these initiatives Replicate institutional principles that maintain the prescribing authority? Does participatory cyber museology present new issues that result in communal action? Alternatively, does it consistently reproduce the traditional canonisation process of works of art without permitting a critical reinterpretation? To address these questions, the theoretical analysis presents proposals, online, of works that original both from the public domain and from collections from large museums, Ranging from the artistic practices of Julia Weist to the Google Art Project. This article shows how certain contemporary art practices enrich the analysis and critical reflexion on numeric culture, in relation to two important issues in art history and museology. The first relates to the relational and participatory value of culture in resins; the second relates to the effects of this value in the visualisation and canonisation of works of art. What is my ownership of the art when I are invited to choose works, on a MUSEE website, to create 'my collection', 'my arcade of art', 'my personal MUSEE'? Does this type of invitation encourage the democratisation of art knowledge? Or, on the contrary, do these initiatives renew the institutional principles that maintain the power of the prescribing MUSEE? Does participatory cyber museology propose new challenges that lead to Community action? Or, if ...

Summary: The history of mathematics is a branch that is quite absent, both from the official curricula and from the activities scheduled in the various teaching units, although their usefulness and interest have been widely demonstrated. This work presents a tool to assess the impact of certain activities based on the history of mathematics implemented in the classrooms, and proposes four assessment axes that will make it possible to improve implementation. ; Resumen: La historia de las matemáticas es una rama que se está bastante ausente, tanto de los currículos oficiales como de las actividades que se programan en las distintas unidades didácticas, pese a que su utilidad e interés han sido ampliamente demostrados. En este trabajo se presenta una herramienta evaluativa del impacto que pueden tener algunas actividades basadas en la historia de las matemáticas que se implementan en las aulas y se proponen cuatro ejes de valoración que permitan poder mejorar dicha implementación.

The city of Avila was in the centuries a leading political centre among those in the Kingdom of Castile, to which the kings paid permanent attention. Endowed with excellent fortifications from the outset by a large group of warring gentlemen, it had already been assigned a key role since the end of the 11th century in the political and military control of a very large territory on both sides of the Central System, since the latter joined the Kingdom of Castile-La Mancha. The early stages of its historical history profoundly marked the imagery of the city, since it was the political, military and socio-economic circumstances at the time that it was established as a centre for the exercise of power for a very large rural area, in which the terms for grazing were abundant, and had a decisive influence on the orientation of its dominant groups towards the performance of certain socio-economic activities. Over the centuries, changes have been imposed, which were the result of both the internal dynamics of abulense society and the adaptation to other, more general, changes affecting the whole of the Kingdom of Castile-La Mancha, and sometimes even the whole of the European West. However, despite these, Avila retained many of the features acquired in its first centuries of history, including its own role as the political centre of a large rural area, and its atmosphere of gentlemen, which is very marked in its social structures by the presence of nobility. ; Peer reviewed ; The city of Avila was in the centuries a leading political centre among those in the Kingdom of Castile, to which the kings paid permanent attention. Endowed with excellent fortifications from the outset by a large group of warring gentlemen, it had already been assigned a key role since the end of the 11th century in the political and military control of a very large territory on both sides of the Central System, since the latter joined the Kingdom of Castile-La Mancha. The early stages of its historical history profoundly marked the imagery of the ...

Titre du fascicule : Images littéraires de la société contemporaine Dans le livre d'Erri de Luca, Aceto arcobaleno, Milan, Feltrinelli, 1992, le personnage qui, le premier, vient raconter son histoire de violence et de sang au narrateur utilise une expression évangélique pour nommer le destin qui lui est échu. Il déclare que son sort était joué dès le jet de la première pierre : " nella mia prima pietra tirata era già incluso l'uccidere e l'essere ucciso " [p. 32]. Question brûlante pour une génération, celle qui, lors des années 68, à vingt ans, pensa la politique en terme d'affrontement et estima qu'il était légitime de dire sa colère et son désir de changement en lançant des pavés ou des sampietrini. Personne alors ne pensait à la phrase du Christ devant la femme adultère " que celui de vous qui est sans péché lui jette la première pierre " [Jean, 8, 7]. Quel sens donner à cette traduction dans les mots du fils de l'homme de ce qui était alors pensé dans les termes de la politique radicale ? C'est cette question que pose cet article, en l'insérant dans une réflexion historiographique sur les " années '68 ".

International audience Merchant activity was a central element in the networks and webs of relationship over the Atlantic in the eighteenth century. When closely analyzed, however, daily merchant practice does not fit easily into regional categories, whether Atlantic or imperial. Merchant life was heavily dependent on the building of chains of trusted correspondents, who would both be able to guarantee adequate quality and satisfactory pricing upon acquisition or sale of the goods traded, and willing to extend credit in a trading world in which all operations included long time lags before final payment. For each trading center, the addition of such chains of correspondents constituted networks both supra-regional, covering the entire world, and sub-regional, specializing in some areas more than others according to prevalent political- imperial pressures. It is argued that the common element in all these networks, i.e. merchant development, is best identified as a worldwide, but Europe-dominated social process underpinning much of what is usually meant by ''Atlantic'' history.

Summary This article, by bringing intellectual history closer together, analyses the emergence of the intellectual figure in France with the 'Affaire' or the Dreyfus case to understand the positions of Jean-Paul Sartre, who protrudes in the history of 20th century intellectuals and was key in France from post-war until the late 1960s. It then analyses the nuances of Noam Chomsky's engagement as a researcher, who became a critic of US policy. Finally, the historical context in Latin America in the second half of the 20th century was analysed, making it possible to understand why the political ideas of Sartre and Chomsky had so much influence in Latin America. ; Resumen En este artículo, por medio de un acercamiento de la historia intelectual, se analiza el surgimiento de la figura intelectual en Francia con el "Affaire" o caso Dreyfus para entender las posturas de Jean-Paul Sartre, quien sobresale en la historia de los intelectuales del siglo XX y fue clave en Francia desde la posguerra hasta finales de los años sesenta. Luego se analizan los matices del compromiso de Noam Chomsky como investigador, quien se convirtió en un crítico de la política de Estados Unidos. Finalmente, se analiza el contexto histórico en América Latina en la segunda mitad del siglo XX, lo que permitirá comprender por qué las ideas políticas de Sartre y Chomsky han tenido tanta influencia en América Latina.

International audience One of the most familiar narratives of ancient Southeast Asian history is the account of how Cambodian king Jayavarman II liberated his country from Javā, and consequently declared himself emperor in the year 802 CE. These events and this year are widely considered to represent thebeginning of the Angkorian " empire". Recent years have seen several new scholarly contributions questioning parts of this narrative. One issue is the very historicity of the narrative elements about Jayavarman II, another topic of debate is the identity of Javā in the narratives related toJayavarman II, and, more generally, in the history of Southeast Asia. After revealing the very weak foundations of certain recent attempts to argue that references to Javā in sources of the Southeast Asian mainland denoted a place on the continent or the Malay peninsula, this paper argues thatthe Khmer inscriptions refer to the island of Java when they use the term Javā. The paper shows, furthermore, that narratives involving Javā do not exclusively concern Jayavarman II, but that a certain Satyavarman is in some sources attributed a role very similar to that of the much more famous king Jayavarman II. It is proposed that this Satyavarman may well have been the king of that name who ruled in southern Campā around 800 CE, and hence that the epigraphical record of Satyavarman in Campā is likely to hold important clues not only for the history of Campā itself, but equally for international political relations between the Khmer, Cam and Javanese polities in the late 8th and early 9th century of our era. ; L'un des récits les plus connus de l'histoire ancienne de l'Asie du Sud-Est est celui racontant comment le roi Jayavarman II libére son pays de Javā et, par voie de conséquence, se proclame lui-même empereur en 802 EC. Ces événements et cette année sont généralement considérés comme représentant le début de «l'empire angkorien » . Des contributions savantes parues ces dernières années ont remis en cause des éléments de ce récit. ...

This text is the introduction to the international relations review (Paris — Geneva) on "Latin America in international relations". He gave a brief overview of the historical history on the issue and the prospects opened up by the articles in this dossier. ; International audience ; This text is the introduction to the international relations review (Paris — Geneva) on "Latin America in international relations". He gave a brief overview of the historical history on the issue and the prospects opened up by the articles in this dossier. ; Ce texte constitue l'introduction au dossier de la revue Relations internationales (Paris - Genève) consacré à "L'Amérique latine dans les relations internationales". Il présente un bref tableau de l'historiographie sur la question et les perspectives ouvertes par les articles réunis dans ce dossier.

While the work on the history of sport essentially looked at the development of sports infrastructure on the basis of the action of the public authorities, this article envisages reconsidering the way in which the production of a sports area based on the example of football takes place in the department of the Seine under the Third Republic. Based on the concept of territory, this study seeks to understand how areas of community or informal practice, places of sociability or places of community memory contribute to the production, identification and legitimacy of a sports area. While the study of football represented in the early 1990s a 'new territory of historian' 1, it is clear that research into the history of sport has accumulated a certain delay in studying the areas of sporting practices. The first research on the sports area concerns public policies, linked to the proliferation of equipment and infrastructure from the end of the 1910 2s. This approach highlighted the inclusion of hygienist concerns in the construction programmes of the interwar period and made it possible to reveal the successive stages in the development of a sports area by the various stakeholders. In addition, the propensity of work on the history of sport to focus on studies focusing on the major forums of the 3 show, competitive sporting events 4 or more recently the architectural dimension of sports facilities in authoritarian regimes 5, thus allowing an understanding of the political and ideological challenges posed by and in sports stadiums and other forums. However, it seems to me that, in order to grasp the complexity of the advent of a cultural practice such as football, historian cannot simply confine its thinking to a space primarily invested in the practice of sports associations, the demonstration of which is mainly characterised by sporting competition and the mobilisation of mass players. Therefore, the places of informal practice and sports sociability, as well as the many grounds and stages of anonymous practitioners, ...

Through a lot of work undertaken since the beginning of the century, we are familiar with the history of the Constitution of the Lyon agglomeration. We know its rhythms, its highlights of 1790-93, 1806-1810, 1830-34, 1849-52, 1902-1908, when the various enlargements of the municipal territory of the city of Lyon take place. However, it is only the periods of public debate on an issue which, without coming into being in 1789, are gaining its full significance from that date, with the emergence of new territorial structures and electoral institutions. How to manage the administration and political representation of an entity whose political, economic and human importance will not disprove throughout the century is what is questioned in the centres of the Ministries of the Interior and Justice, in local prefectural and municipal administrations, in key circles and in political circles. Without going into the details of the answers given to this key question, which is the relationship between national and local authorities, I would like to address the issue of the Lyon agglomeration by examining how the themes of unity and diversity have played a role in the issue of aggregation, which is the one governing territorial extensions. It is a matter of aggregating spaces, men and equipment. ; International audience ; Through a lot of work undertaken since the beginning of the century, we are familiar with the history of the Constitution of the Lyon agglomeration. We know its rhythms, its highlights of 1790-93, 1806-1810, 1830-34, 1849-52, 1902-1908, when the various enlargements of the municipal territory of the city of Lyon take place. However, it is only the periods of public debate on an issue which, without coming into being in 1789, are gaining its full significance from that date, with the emergence of new territorial structures and electoral institutions. How to manage the administration and political representation of an entity whose political, economic and human importance will not disprove throughout the ...

The potential of the 'public' category for studying archaeology and society is discussed. To this end, we look at the uses of this concept that have been registered in the field of archaeology in Argentina over the last 15 years. The changes during this period created a significant scenario for thinking about materiality, narratives and archaeological practices around the public. This led to processes that allowed not only greater capacity to act for social minorities involved with archaeological materials, but also reformulations about the place of archaeological in the narratives of Argentinian national history. At the same time, the late 20th century 'culture policies' led to the activation of heritage materials and archaeological landscapes for tourism and identity purposes. In this context, we would like to ask us: what are the meanings attributed to "public" in Argentine archaeology at the beginning of the 21st century? To what extent are these uses articulated with theoretical positions and debates on "public" in social sciences? What are the political implications of these conceptualisations? ; The potential of the public category is discuss in this paper for the study of the relations between archaeology and society. Pursuing this aim, the uses of this concept in Argentine Archaeology is analyzed during the last fifteen years. Within this period, social transformations generated a significant scenario for thinking materials, speeches and archaeological practices around the public category. This context has allowed a greater action capacity for social minorities involved with archaeological materials, but also reformulations over the narratives of the national history. Besides, the "politics of culture" of late 20th century led to the activation of cultural heritage materials and archaeological landscapes for tourism purposes and identity actions. Following this approach, it is worth to make some questions: what meanings are attributed to the public in Argentine Archaeology at the beginning of the 21st ...