We study the role of private debt financing in reducing government transfers and information costs in a state-owned firm. We show that debt contracts allow the government to reduce socially costly subsidies by letting underperforming state-owned firms default. When the firm has private information, the government uses debt to reduce the firm's information rents. The option of default and privatization allows the government to stop subsidizing the firm.We identify the conditions under which information costs outweigh privatization costs and a positive debt level benefits governments.
2818 2827 11 16 ; S ; This is the peer reviewed version of the following article: Solis Díaz, Cecilia, Toldrá-Reig, Fidel, Balaguer Ramirez, Maria, Somacescu, Simona, García-Fayos, Julio, Palafox, Elena , Serra Alfaro, José Manuel. (2018). Mixed Ionic-Electronic Conduction in NiFe2O4-Ce0.8Gd0.2O2-delta Nanocomposite Thin Films for Oxygen Separation.ChemSusChem, 11, 16, 2818-2827. DOI:10.1002/cssc.201800420, which has been published in final form at http://doi.org/10.1002/cssc.201800420. This article may be used for non-commercial purposes in accordance with Wiley Terms and Conditions for Self-Archiving. [EN] NiFe2O4-Ce0.8Gd0.2O2-delta (NFO/CGO) nanocomposite thin films were prepared by simultaneously radio-frequency (RF) magnetron sputtering of both NFO and CGO targets. The aim is the growth of a CO2-stable composite layer that combines the electronic and ionic conduction of the separate NFO and the CGO phases for oxygen separation. The effect of the deposition temperature on the microstructure of the film was studied to obtain high-quality composite thin films. The ratio of both phases was changed by applying different power to each ceramic target. The amount of each deposited phase as well as the different oxidation states of the nanocomposite constituents were analyzed by means of X-ray photoelectron spectroscopy (XPS). The transport properties were studied by conductivity measurements as a function of temperature and pO(2). These analyses enabled (1)selection of the best deposition temperature (400 degrees C), (2)correlation of the p-type electronic behavior of the NFO phase with the hole hopping between Ni3+-Ni2+, and (3)following the conductivity behavior of the grown composite layer (prevailing ionic or electronic character) attained by varying the amount of each phase. The sputtered layer exhibited high ambipolar conduction and surface-exchange activity. A 150 nm-thick nanograined thin film was deposited on a 20 mu m-thick Ba0.5Sr0.5Co0.8Fe0.2O3-delta asymmetric membrane, resulting in up to 3.8 ...
2235021 2235023 93 22 ; S ; Copyright (2008) American Institute of Physics. This article may be downloaded for personal use only. Any other use requires prior permission of the author and the American Institute of Physics along with the following message: The following article appeared in "Romero García, V.; Sánchez Pérez, JV.; García-Raffi, LM.; Herrero Durá, JM.; S. Garcia-Nieto; Blasco Ferragud, FX. (2008). High optimization process for increasing the attenuation properties of acoustic metamaterials by means of the creation of defects. Applied Physics Letters. 93:2235021-2235023" and may be found at http://dx.doi.org/10.1063/1.3040317. Authors own version of final article on e-print servers An improvement in the attenuation capabilities of acoustic metamaterials by means of the creation of defects is considered here as a multiobjective optimization problem. From this point of view, it is possible to define the optimum strategy in the creation of defects to achieve an important increase in acoustic attenuation in a predetermined range of frequencies. A powerful multiobjective optimization algorithm called evMOGA has been used to solve this problem. The study has been restricted to the case of a two-dimensional sonic crystal formed by rigid cylinders in air, the defects being vacancies in the initial structure. This work was partially supported by MEC (Spanish Government) and FEDER funds: Project Nos. 419DPI2005-07835 and MAT2006-03097 and Generalitat Valenciana Project Nos. GV06/026 and GV/2007/191. Romero García, V.; Sánchez Pérez, JV.; García-Raffi, LM.; Herrero Durá, JM.; García Nieto, S.; Blasco Ferragud, FX. (2008). High optimization process for increasing the attenuation properties of acoustic metamaterials by means of the creation of defects. Applied Physics Letters. 93(22):2235021-2235023. doi:10.1063/1.3040317 Fang, N., Xi, D., Xu, J., Ambati, M., Srituravanich, W., Sun, C., & Zhang, X. (2006). Ultrasonic metamaterials with negative modulus. Nature Materials, 5(6), 452-456. doi:10.1038/nmat1644 ...
X-linked hypohidrotic ectodermal dysplasia with the cardinal symptoms hypodontia, hypotrichosis and hypohidrosis is caused by a genetic deficiency of ectodysplasin A1 (EDA1). Prenatal EDA1 replacement can rescue the development of skin appendages and teeth. Tabby mice, a natural animal model of EDA1 deficiency, additionally feature a striking kink of the tail, the cause of which has remained unclear. We studied the origin of this phenomenon and its response to prenatal therapy. Alterations in the distal spine could be noticed soon after birth, and kinks were present in all Tabby mice by the age of 4 months. Although their vertebral bones frequently had a disorganized epiphyseal zone possibly predisposing to fractures, cortical bone density was only reduced in vertebrae of older Tabby mice and even increased in their tibiae. Different availability of osteoclasts in the spine, which may affect bone density, was ruled out by osteoclast staining. The absence of hair follicles, a well-known niche of epidermal stem cells, and much lower bromodeoxyuridine uptake in the tail skin of 9-day-old Tabby mice rather suggest the kink being due to a skin proliferation defect that prevents the skin from growing as fast as the skeleton, so that caudal vertebrae may be squeezed and bent by a lack of skin. Early postnatal treatment with EDA1 leading to delayed hair follicle formation attenuated the kink, but did not prevent it. Tabby mice born after prenatal administration of EDA1, however, showed normal tail skin proliferation, no signs of kinking and, interestingly, a normalized vertebral bone density. Thus, our data prove the causal relationship between EDA1 deficiency and kinky tails and indicate that hair follicles are required for murine tail skin to grow fast enough. Disturbed bone development appears to be partially pre-determined in utero and can be counteracted by timely EDA1 replacement, pointing to a role of EDA1 also in osteogenesis.
Jean-Rodolphe Wetter, an Indian manufacturer in Marseille and Orange in the 18th century. In addition to the founder of Jouy-en-Josas, the German Christophe-Philippe Oberkampf, Jean-Rodolphe Wetter is one of the leading figures in Indian manufacturing in 18th century France. He was born in Switzerland in Herisau (canton of -zell) in 1705 and is the son of Laurent, a textile trader formed in Saint-Gall and then Lyon. Jean-Rodolphe Wetter arrived in Marseille at the age of 14 and worked from the 1720s in the commercial company founded in 1717 by his father with a compatriot, Jean-Barthélémy Binder. At the head of the Wetter House, Binder -C from 1734 onwards, it broadened the range of goods traded by the company, in particular with dye products and spirits. Switzerland is also trying to interfere in coral fishing and even revolutionise it through the introduction of scaphandre diving. As the process quickly proves to be as inefficient as it is dangerous for the men who practise it, the operation is a failure. However, the initiative shows Jean-Rodolphe Wetter's interest in innovative techniques and his willingness to take risks in order to position himself on the most profitable business opportunities, even if it is a question of engaging in activities for which he has not been trained. It was in this spirit that he decided to become an Indian manufacturer in Marseille in the mid-1740s. The place may seem appropriate. Since 1703, thanks to the franchising of its port, the phocean city has been exempted from the ban on Indian manufacture and trade, a measure introduced in 1686 by the Royal Government in order to protect the traditional textile industries of the Kingdom (wool, flax, weed cloth, etc.). As such, it remains the only French city producing printed cotton until 1759, when the bans were lifted. However, Jean-Rodolphe Wetter needs a place locally, as the city already has a dozen workshops in the early 1740s, all specialising in the production of cheap Indian people and mainly aimed at the popular markets in ...
summary: In September 2020, a period of eight years was closed in Japan during which Prime Minister Shinzo Abe ruled. One of its legacies has been an active foreign policy and the repositioning of Japan in the world. A first objective of this article is to analyse what Japanese diplomacy has called 'return'. from Japan to Latin America and the Caribbean. To this end, an index of government visits was created to compare the increase in Japanese presence on a country-by-year basis. The second objective is to analyse the possible reasons for this upgrading of the Latin American region. A number of pre-existing scenarios are discussed to this end, including a more internationalist foreign policy and economic determinants. Based on the literature on how countries respond to growing powers, a third hypothesis is put forward which argues that the return is linked to the increased presence of China in the region. The article serves a twofold purpose, on the one hand summarising the discussion of the existing literature on Japan's relations with Latin America, a topic forgotten by international relations in recent years, and on the other hand, it offers new data that make it possible to observe Japan's return to Latin America. In turn, this article contributes to the debate on China's role in the region and how countries respond to the growth of an emerging power. ; Resumen: En septiembre de 2020 se cerró en Japón un período de ocho años en los cuales gobernó el primer ministro Shinzo Abe. Uno de sus legados ha sido una política exterior activa y el reposicionamiento de Japón en el mundo. Un primer objetivo de este artículo es analizar lo que la diplomacia japonesa ha denominado el "retorno" de Japón a América Latina y el Caribe. Para ello se creó un índice de visitas gubernamentales que permite comparar por país y por año este aumento de la presencia japonesa. El segundo objetivo es analizar las posibles razones de esta revalorización de la región latinoamericana. Para ello se discuten varias hipótesis preexistentes, ...
Based on the persistence of severe cyclical violence linked to the electoral process and its corollary of the crisis of political legitimacy; the aim of this discussion is to demonstrate how democratisation vitiated by the neoliberal state disengagement made elections a tool for weakening the state in the DRC in particular and in Africa in general. Seeking to overcome the theoretical criticisms of the 'disconnection' and/or 'reductionism' of the African electoral object, this analysis introduces a debate on the very effectiveness of the models of the so-called 'independent committees' which were presented as 'electoral panacea' and adopted by certain African States, including the DRC. As regards the DRC, the discussion proposes a simple dissolution of the CENI, a body set up by the Constituent for the centralised organisation of elections. The discussion proposes replacing the CENI with an institutional strengthening of the Ministry of the Interior through its upstream territorial divisions and the downstream judiciary; two truly essential public bodies in the Congolese electoral debate. The central argument of this discussion criticises the neoliberal approach created by the political reforms of the 1990s, which legitimise the accountability of elections to autonomous bodies vis-à-vis the government (CENI type). In reality, these present the unfortunate tendency to throw water from the bath (authoritarianism of past dictatorships) with the baby (the need for a strong state through consolidated and non-weakened public services) while increasing management favourable to the neoliberal format of the State, which is becoming increasingly meaningless. Noting that the electoral process in its current structuring seems to be overlooked by 'intermediate bodies' such as 'civil society'; the discussion calls for the urgent need to put each actor back into its true socio-political hat. Calling, first of all, for the urgent need for government electoral accountability for the reconstruction of the state, in its classic ...
Summary At the forefront of the digital economy, society strives to meet the proposed objectives for sustainable development and information and communication technologies can be one of the keys to success. At present, however, its full potential in addressing organisational sustainability issues is not being properly exploited. This research proposes a methodology for prioritising sustainable information technologies and systems initiatives in technology entities using the method for Interactive Decision Taking as the main mathematical basis. The results of the application of the methodology made it possible to prioritise the main practices related to the use of portable computers, the internal and external communication of energy saving initiatives and the implementation of energy administration systems. ; Resumen En los albores de la economía digital, la sociedad se esfuerza por cumplir los objetivos propuestos para el desarrollo sostenible y pueden ser las tecnologías de la información y las comunicaciones una de las claves para el éxito. Sin embargo, en la actualidad, no se aprovecha correctamente todo su potencial en la solución de las problemáticas asociadas a la sostenibilidad organizacional. La presente investigación propone una metodología para la priorización de iniciativas de las tecnologías y sistemas de información sostenibles en entidades tecnológicas utilizando como principal fundamento matemático el método para la Toma de Decisión Interactiva. Los resultados de la aplicación de la metodología permitieron priorizar las principales prácticas relacionadas con el uso de computadoras portátiles, la comunicación interna y externa de iniciativas para el ahorro de energía y la implementación de sistemas de administración de energía.
Asia and the Pacific has traditionally been the big forgotten of Spanish foreign policy. However, over the last 20 years the Spanish Government has shown new interest in this area, resulting in the drawing up of several action plans, the creation of various bilateral fora and the strengthening of political, economic, cultural and cooperation relations. In this context, in addition to China, India, Korea and Japan, it has highlighted the new importance given to the Philippines, a Spanish colony for more than 300 years. It is not easy to re-establish relations with a former colonial territory with which ties broke many decades ago. However, a remarkable effort has been made to define new bases on which relations should be based, to enhance the issues that still unite us and to identify the strong areas for collaboration. From this perspective, this work carries out an analysis of new relations with Asia in general and with the Philippines in particular during democracy governments. ; Peer reviewed ; Asia and the Pacific has traditionally been the big forgotten of Spanish foreign policy. However, over the last 20 years the Spanish Government has shown new interest in this area, resulting in the drawing up of several action plans, the creation of various bilateral fora and the strengthening of political, economic, cultural and cooperation relations. In this context, in addition to China, India, Korea and Japan, it has highlighted the new importance given to the Philippines, a Spanish colony for more than 300 years. It is not easy to re-establish relations with a former colonial territory with which ties broke many decades ago. However, a remarkable effort has been made to define new bases on which relations should be based, to enhance the issues that still unite us and to identify the strong areas for collaboration. From this perspective, this work carries out an analysis of new relations with Asia in general and with the Philippines in particular during democracy governments. ; Asia y el Pacífico tradicionalmente ...
The armed conflict in Syria has entered its tenth year, resulting in the lives of more than 400.000 people; a conflict that in the short term does not find a concrete resolution horizon. If this is not enough, the new global pandemic caused by the COVID-19 virus is not unconnected to the conflict area, especially in neighbouring Turkey, which amount to more than 170.000 infected countries, one of the countries most affected by the pandemic, and this is all the more so given the invasion of Turkish troops, and illegal traders crossing the weak borders between countries, and the COVID quickly arrived on Syrian soil, the first case being recorded on 22 March 2020, as reported by the Syrian Ministry of Health. To date, according to the same ministry, the number of people affected by the virus is 144, of which 62 have recovered and 6 have died. These figures have to be put in the context of the country, where much of the health infrastructure has been destroyed after almost a decade of clashes between Syrian army troops and their allies (Russian troops, Hezbollah18, Iranian army troops), rebels from different factions — exercised free from Syria for example — Al Qaeda and its subsidiary Al Nusra, ISIS, Kurdish forces, and Turkish, American troops and a coalition of NATO members who have settled on Syrian territory; with areas where the government does not have access to and therefore without the possibility of effective control of the disease and data on those potentially affected by coronavirus.- Considering this complex moment in the country, there has also been an increase in the influence of the main powers, which see Syria as a strategic place, which, beyond the grounds for their presence on the site, have decided to step up in order to achieve a supremacy in this connection with Asia and Europe. Institute for International Relations ; El conflicto armado en Siria ha entrado a su décimo año y con él se ha llevado la vida de más de 400.000 personas; un conflicto que a corto plazo no encuentra un horizonte de ...
If, as in metropolitan France, the principle of freedom of prices is recognised in New Caledonia in Article Lp. 410-2 of the Commercial Code, the provisions which follow it reveal control which is disproportionate to that carried out in metropolitan France. It is true that New Caledonia has for a long time been subject to price regulation, which is more or less important depending on the time, which changes in economic contexts 1. Since the Organic Law of 19 March 1999, it has been stipulated that this price regulation involves the congress to regulate prices (Articles 22 (20) and 83), with the government having the power to set prices and regulated tariffs (Article 127 (7)). The principle of regulation therefore falls within the remit of the Congress, that of its practical implementation, of the Government. However, over the last decade, price regulation has been characterised by instability and complexity (I). At the very least, price regulation, which undermines the freedom to conduct a business and the benefits of which are discussed 2, is to be intelligible. It is therefore pleased that clarification efforts have been made recently (II), which could still be pursued to increase the readability of the price rules in New Caledonia (III). ; Si, comme en métropole, le principe de la liberté des prix est reconnu en Nouvelle-Calédonie, à l'article Lp. 410-2 du Code de commerce, les dispositions qui lui font suite révèlent un contrôle sans commune mesure avec celui effectué en métropole. Il est vrai que la Nouvelle-Calédonie connaît depuis longtemps une réglementation des prix, plus ou moins importante selon les époques, évoluant aux gré des contextes économiques 1. Depuis la loi organique du 19 mars 1999, il est prévu que cette réglementation des prix fait intervenir le congrès, pour réglementer les prix (art. 22, 20° et art. 83), le gouvernement étant compétent pour fixer les prix et les tarifs réglementés (art. 127, 7°). Le principe de la réglementation relève donc de la compétence du congrès, celui de sa mise ...
RESUMEN: The guarantee of the principle of constitutional supremacy is shared by courts and political bodies. This article develops a case that illustrates the political guarantee of the supremacy of the Constitution: the decree on economic emergency. That exclusive entrustment of the President of the Republic is inherent in his function of government and, therefore, essentially political. The nature of the control over its exercise, in line with that power, is also political and is essentially based on the National Congress. ; RESUMEN: La garantía del principio de supremacía constitucional es compartida por órganos jurisdiccionales y órganos políticos. En este artículo se desarrolla un caso que ejemplifica la garantía política de la supremacía de la Constitución: el decreto de emergencia económica. Esta atribución exclusiva del Presidente de la República es propia de su función de gobierno y, por tanto, esencialmente política. La naturaleza del control de su ejercicio, en correspondencia con dicha potestad, es también política y descansa fundamentalmente en el Congreso Nacional.
Summary: The article first seeks to identify the lessons that the various versions of the British left drew from the end of the Popular Unit and the consequent installation of the military regime in Chile, in circumstances of a government led by the Labour Party. It also seeks to shed light on how British solidarity with the Chilean cause made it possible to unite and give collective meaning to this divided and sometimes competing left, representing an exceptional case in the Western European scenario. To this end, the collections of Judith Hart and Chilean Solidarity Campaign in the Labour History Archive in Manchester and Foreign Office documents in the British National Archive were reviewed. This was complemented by secondary literature and interviews with key informants. ; Resumen: El artículo busca primeramente identificar cuáles fueron las lecciones que las distintas versiones de la izquierda británica extrajeron del fin de la Unidad Popular y la consecuente instalación del régimen militar en Chile, en circunstancias de un gobierno liderado por el Partido Laborista. Asimismo, busca arrojar luz sobre cómo la actividad británica de solidaridad con la causa chilena permitió unir y dar sentido colectivo a esta dividida y a veces contrapuesta izquierda, representando un caso excepcional en el escenario de Europa occidental. Para ello se revisaron las colecciones de Judith Hart y la Chilean Solidarity Campaign en el Labour History Archive, en Manchester, y documentos del Foreign Office en el Archivo Nacional Británico. Se complementó lo anterior con bibliografía secundaria y entrevistas a informantes claves.
Astrocytes are glial cells organized in dynamic and structured networks in the brain. These plastic networks, involving key proteins such as connexin 43 (Cx43), are engaged in fine neuronal tuning and have recently been considered as emerging therapeutic targets in central nervous system disorders. We developed and validated a new application of the manganese-enhanced magnetic resonance imaging (MEMRI) technique allowing in vivo investigations of astrocyte-neuron interactions through quantification of brain Cx43 functional activity. The proof of concept has been achieved by quantification of MEMRI signals in brain after either local astrocyte-specific Cx43 knockdown with shRNA or systemic administration of Cx43 blockers. Unilateral hippocampal Cx43 genetical silencing was associated with an ipsilateral local increase of MEMRI signal. Furthermore, Cx43 blockers also enhanced MEMRI signal responses in hippocampus. Altogether, these data reveal the MEMRI technique as a tool for quantitative imaging of in vivo Cx43-dependent function in astrocytes under physiological and pathological conditions.
The architect Michel Ecochard (1905-1985) is known for his work in the Middle East and Africa, in particular in Morocco, as director of protection planning. Forced to leave the country shortly before his independence (1955), he will obtain some orders in France, in particular the development plan for Corsica. Taking into account the environmental thickness of an island whose state wants to develop the coastline in favour of tourism, it endeavours to demonstrate, through its study of the scheme, the sea-mountainous unit characterising an area whose societal, heritage and natural wealth is likely to be compromised. Ecochard will not succeed in securing recognition by the corse community of a document considered above all, although it is an attempt to resist 'all tourism', as an emanation of central government. The overbidding of independence will only increase this interpretation. However, this scheme contributes to a completely new environmental awareness in the field of development. ; L'architecte Michel Ecochard (1905-1985) est connu pour ses travaux au Moyen-Orient et en Afrique, notamment au Maroc, comme directeur de l'urbanisme du protectorat. Contraint de quitter ce pays peu avant son indépendance (1955), il obtiendra quelques commandes en France et notamment celle du schéma d'aménagement de la Corse. Prenant la mesure de l'épaisseur environnementale d'une l'île dont l'Etat veut aménager le littoral au profit du tourisme, il s'attache à démontrer, à travers son étude du schéma, l'unité mer-montagne caractérisant un territoire dont la richesse sociétale, patrimoniale et naturelle risque d'être compromise. Ecochard ne parviendra pas à faire reconnaître par la communauté corse un document considéré avant tout, bien qu'il soit une tentative de résistance au « tout tourisme », comme une émanation du pouvoir central. La surenchère des indépendantistes ne fera qu'accroître cette interprétation. Et pourtant ce schéma participe d'une prise de conscience environnementale tout à fait nouvelle dans le champ de ...
