Suchergebnisse

The hereby study offers an ensemble image upon the effects of the contemporary economic order and reconfiguration of the European Union. In this light, we wish to stress the main tendencies of the current world conjunction, the economic, politic and geostrategic opportunities and challenges, as well as the factors that contributed to the affirmation of the European Union on the global economic scene. In order to determine the position that European Union occupies in the hierarchy of the power centres, we analysed the main indexes of economic growth, the impact of politics and reforms upon the integration process, the effect of the global crises upon the European structure and the existent discrepancies between different regions of the European Union. The main conclusion drawn from this study is that, by aspiring to the status of a superpower and trying to affirm itself as an economic and politic individuality, able to sustain its own visions and protects its own interests, the European Union should aim to become a political global force. However, it is hard to achieve that since the European Union lacks an internal cohesion and the required capabilities in order to develop a global policy.

This study aimed to analyze trajectory of regional autonomy in Indonesia. There are two important things in discussing about regional autonomy in Indonesia. Firstly, dilemma between decentralization or centralization as basic paradigm in the policy of regional autonomy. Secondly, regional autonomy just creates oligarchy regime, primordialism, and politic of clientelism. Implementation of regional autonomy has been became new problems for Indonesia which adopted unitary state system. Regional autonomy in post New-Order era intended to enhancing participation of society in development project and local democracy was hijacked by many interest from elite. In other words, regional autonomy more aligned to elite rather than the people.

The main purpose of the research is to consider problems of protection rights and interests of parties to the court of appeal by making a complaint against judicial decision of the court of original jurisdiction, which has not yet become effective in law, declare the importance of court of appeal judgments for the investigator, prosecutor, judge. To found (figure out) the mainly judge jobs in the president's massage of Republic of Kazakhstan the leader of nation our country N. A. Nazarbayev "Kazakhstan strategy–2050": new politic course of wealthy government.This article describes the latest changes in criminal cases at the appeal stage.

This article explains a thought of a philosopher, Walter Benjamin. His thought relates to the function of art that today changes i.e. just for fulfilling the political interests. The decreasing art, as mentioned, is particularly photography and film. As far as Benjamin is concerned, the photography and film that emerge as 'art of politic' are caused by Germany fascism, which has exploited those photography and film as its political vehicle. On the other hand, it is true that fascism succeeded to carry aesthetic into political stage. However, since fascism has authorized harshness and violence, as the result, such 'political aesthetic' is used for war.

Resumo: En el pensamiento económico y político de Locke se pueden apreciar unas articulaciones que relacionan lo teológico, lo económico y lo político. Los hombres trabajan por mandato divino, y el trabajo es un concepto económico en cuanto que es la actividad productora de la propiedad privada, cuya posesión supone un derecho natural para todos los individuos. Proteger este derecho es obligación del gobierno y de las instituciones estatales. Para Locke el mercado es previo a la sociedad civil, la estructura nómica del comercio sitúa las pautas de la acción gubernamental, de modo que la circulación del dinero no debería ser intervenida directamente por el poder del soberano, ni dirigirse en función de intereses políticos particulares. En consecuencia, es posible advertir una ontología del mercado en el pensamiento lockeano, dado que la existencia del espacio comercial recoge las leyes naturales y las proyecta en el espacio político Abstract: In Locke's economic and politic thinking is possible appraise some articulations that connect the teological, the economic and the politic. The humans work for divine decree and the labor is an economic concept inasmuch as it is the activity that yields private ownership, whose possession entails a natural right for all individuals. Safeguarding this right is liability of the government and of the state institutions. For Locke the market is previous to the civilian society, trade's regulative structure sets the guidelines of the governmental action, so that money's circulation should not be interfered directly by the sovereign power neither leading it under particular politic interests. Thus, it is can find out an ontology of market in lockean thought, insomuch as trade space's existence takes up the natural laws and project them in the space`s political.

In Locke's economic and politic thinking is possible appraise some articulations that connect the teological, the economic and the politic. The humans work for divine decree and the labor is an economic concept inasmuch as it is the activity that yields private ownership, whose possession entails a natural right for all individuals. Safeguarding this right is liability of the government and of the state institutions. For Locke the market is previous to the civilian society, trade's regulative structure sets the guidelines of the governmental action, so that money's circulation should not be interfered directly by the sovereign power neither leading it under particular politic interests. Thus, it is can find out an ontology of market in lockean thought, insomuch as trade space's existence takes up the natural laws and project them in the space`s political ; En el pensamiento económico y político de Locke se pueden apreciar unas articulaciones que relacionan lo teológico, lo económico y lo político. Los hombres trabajan por mandato divino, y el trabajo es un concepto económico en cuanto que es la actividad productora de la propiedad privada, cuya posesión supone un derecho natural para todos los individuos. Proteger este derecho es obligación del gobierno y de las instituciones estatales. Para Locke el mercado es previo a la sociedad civil, la estructura nómica del comercio sitúa las pautas de la acción gubernamental, de modo que la circulación del dinero no debería ser intervenida directamente por el poder del soberano, ni dirigirse en función de intereses políticos particulares. En consecuencia, es posible advertir una ontología del mercado en el pensamiento lockeano, dado que la existencia del espacio comercial recoge las leyes naturales y las proyecta en el espacio político

Статья посвящена анализу социально-политического аспекта групп интересов как основного субъекта лоббизма. Анализ социального аспекта групп интересов позволил сделать вывод о том, что, несмотря на многообразие причин, побуждающих индивидов вступать в различные группы, основным критерием их объединения выступает общий интерес. В результате рассмотрения политического аспекта групп интересов можно утверждать, что проблема групп интересов в политике, которая обсуждалась еще не сколько столетий назад, актуальна и в сегодняшнее время, так как группы интересов выступают одним из основных акторов современной политической системы. ; The article deals with the analysis of a social political aspect of interest groups which is arguably the major subject of lobbyism. A conclusion is drawn based on regarding the social aspect is that notwithstanding the fact that there are a lot of reasons making people join various groups, the basic criterion uniting people is common interest. The analysis of the political as pect gives evidence that the issue of interest groups in politics, though having been discussed several ages ago, is still relevant, as interest groups are one of the main actors of the current politic al system.

My study is about the role of Chinese public interest lawyers in the case of housing demolition of peasants. I want to know if there is a legal profession in China who has some similarity of cause lawyers in America. If there is, considering the reality of Chinese society, what are the same point and the difference between this professional group and the cause lawyers in the liberal democracy? These questions are relatives to the complex relation among the law, the politic, and the social change in chine. To answer these questions, I try to analyse the role of the lawyer in this relation from three dimensions. Firstly, it is necessary to describe the Chinese legal system in which the lawyer shows their characteristics, specially the relation between the law and the politic in China(Chapter 1 and chapter 2). Secondly, on the basis of interviews with the lawyers, observing the activity and the strategy of the lawyer inside and outside of their professional domain, I seek to make a conclusion of the specificity of the Chinese public interest lawyers (chapter 3); Thirdly, I will try to make a comparison with the cause lawyers according to these characteristics of Chinese public interest lawyers(chapter 4). This comparison can answer the question in the beginning of my study and give a good window into the role of Chinese public interest lawyer. ; Cette thèse porte sur le rôle des avocats d'intérêt public dans les procès que les paysans intentent pour défendre leur droit au logement en Chine. Concernant les avocats d'intérêt public en Chine, deux figures sont valorisées dans cette thèse : l'avocat gouvernemental travaillant comme médiateur et l'avocat libéral travaillant comme acteur social. Le premier type d'avocat se compose de deux sous-groupes : les avocats recrutés comme fonctionnaires par le gouvernement local et les avocats libéraux sollicités provisoirement par le gouvernement local dans certaines affaires. Le deuxième type est également divisé en deux groupes : les avocats militants dans les grands cabinets ...

My study is about the role of Chinese public interest lawyers in the case of housing demolition of peasants. I want to know if there is a legal profession in China who has some similarity of cause lawyers in America. If there is, considering the reality of Chinese society, what are the same point and the difference between this professional group and the cause lawyers in the liberal democracy? These questions are relatives to the complex relation among the law, the politic, and the social change in chine. To answer these questions, I try to analyse the role of the lawyer in this relation from three dimensions. Firstly, it is necessary to describe the Chinese legal system in which the lawyer shows their characteristics, specially the relation between the law and the politic in China(Chapter 1 and chapter 2). Secondly, on the basis of interviews with the lawyers, observing the activity and the strategy of the lawyer inside and outside of their professional domain, I seek to make a conclusion of the specificity of the Chinese public interest lawyers (chapter 3); Thirdly, I will try to make a comparison with the cause lawyers according to these characteristics of Chinese public interest lawyers(chapter 4). This comparison can answer the question in the beginning of my study and give a good window into the role of Chinese public interest lawyer. ; Cette thèse porte sur le rôle des avocats d'intérêt public dans les procès que les paysans intentent pour défendre leur droit au logement en Chine. Concernant les avocats d'intérêt public en Chine, deux figures sont valorisées dans cette thèse : l'avocat gouvernemental travaillant comme médiateur et l'avocat libéral travaillant comme acteur social. Le premier type d'avocat se compose de deux sous-groupes : les avocats recrutés comme fonctionnaires par le gouvernement local et les avocats libéraux sollicités provisoirement par le gouvernement local dans certaines affaires. Le deuxième type est également divisé en deux groupes : les avocats militants dans les grands cabinets ...

Este estudio describe algunas motivaciones que tienen 262 estudiantes de pregrado de la Universidad del Norte de Barranquilla, para participar en las elecciones a la Alcaldía y la Gobernación en Colombia durante el 30 de octubre del año 2011. Se utilizó una metodología descriptiva con un instrumento mixto aplicado una semana previa a las elecciones. Las siete dimensiones indagadas para explicar la intención de voto, fueron el interés en la política, la socialización política primaria, la confianza en el partido y en el candidato, la ideología y el beneficio individual. Los resultados permiten afirmar que los jóvenes encuestados asisten a las urnas motivados por actitudes propias de ciudadanos democráticos que por cálculos de costo-beneficio. La evidencia empírica expuesta, denota la priorización de valores democráticos, el interés de los jóvenes en la política y las expectativas depositadas en el candidato. Estos datos no contradicen la crisis de representación política evidenciada en las democracias contemporáneas, pero si proponen líneas de estudio diferentes a las que tradicionalmente se han postulado sobre el papel de los jóvenes en la política. Abstract This study describes some motivations that 262 students of pregrado of the Universidad del Norte de Barranquilla, have to take part in the political elections to elect the Mayors and Governors in Colombia during October 30, 2011. A descriptive methodology was used with a mixed applied instrument one week before the elections. The seven dimensions investigated to explain the intention of vote, were: the interest in the politic; the political primary socialization; the confidence in the party and in the candidate; the ideology and the individual benefit. The results allow to affirm that the polled young persons are present at the urns motivated by own attitudes of democratic citizens that for calculations of cost-benefit. The empirical exposed evidence denotes the priority of democratic values, the interest of the young persons in the politic and the expectations deposited in the candidate. This information does not contradict the crisis of the political representation demonstrated in the contemporary democracies, but if they propose different lines of study from those that traditionally have been postulated about the role of the young persons in the politic.

The themes of this presentation include philosophies about the university as well as what the university expects of itself and that U.S. society expects of it. This talk features pivotal controversies and challenges that have shaped the university in its role as both critic and servant. It suggests how key players including successive generations of leaders and commentators have articulated the role of the university as a crucial institution in the United States and its interests as a commonwealth and as a body politic. Its conclusions suggest how the ideas that have been a part of the fundamental foundation of the academy in the United States have been instrumental, changing and adapting where needed, but maintaining firm ground as the basis for what the university must be amid the competing demands and interest of the society and its citizens.

The arrangement of National Development Plan are fully related to the political and democracy mechanism which grows among people. Basically this must be flexible so can adapt to the changes that happen all the time and in different situation. On the other hand, this must be able to develop all level potencies from the smallest community to the central government and must be able to realize the good government. There are three steps to understand in arranging the National Development Plan: planning, realization, and supervision. Indonesia experienced evolution of National Development Plan in four government period . The result of the development in each government significantly is not quite different because they used dissimilar parameter. Democracy which is formed from good and honest political system that put national interest over individual interest can create good Balance of power. Key words : The arrangement of National Development Plan, democracy, politic.

The strategies for developing of small-scale enterprise are relying on data come from secondary sources of information especially from several research and studies reports. Small businesses are an economic activity dominating more than 95% of Yogyakarta 's economic structure. This sector has both economic and social politic strategic role. The economic function of this sector, among others, to provide merchandises and service for consumers from low to middle level of purchasing power; it contributes more than a half of economic growth and is contributive to the country's foreign exchange income. Socio politically, the function of this sector is also crucial, especially in labour absorption and in the poverty alleviation efforts. Apart from the above, small business development is basic need for Yogyakarta, which practices a specific economic system, namely people's economy. Indonesia's economic system prioritizes people's economic interest, namely that which involves public interests.

Special otonomy is a solution to respons radical movement to separate fromUnitary State system of Republic of Indonesia. As far as, there are 2 provincedecided as a special otonomy province, they are Aceh and Papua. Specialotonomy for 2 province make stimulation for the other province to be decided asspecial otonomy for example Riau. It is interest to study how 1945 Constitutionregulate special otonomy . There are 2 conclusion of this paper. The first, 1945Constitution is not strict regulate special otonomy. Decision about a province tobe a special otonomy is implicated social and politic situation. And the second,Special otonomy for Riau is not relevance for this time.