Suchergebnisse

The classification of the scientific research approaches to the political and economic barriers aredescribed. The causal relationship between integration and political barriers are systematized. The paperdescribes theoretical study of the political and economic barriers' effects to the process of theinternational economic integration. The main principles of "the political and economic barriers tointegration" definition are systematized. The generalization of the approaches of the political andeconomic barriers definition by ukrainian and foreign scholars are carried out.Theoretical aspects of economic (trade) barriers devoted to the works of scholars such as A.Grebelnyk, D. Lukyanenko, Ruth F., R. Baldwin, A. Deardorfa, M. Stern, E. polymers and others.According to the theory of mercantilism state should export their products to the domestic market,but at least the amount of import. So we can say that in this case the government has to implement certaintrade barriers, prohibiting or restraining imports.In 1987 Lowrence was the first to use a model of monopolistic competition to predict the volume oftrade, and to use data for downsizing and trade flows to determine the country and industry thatsignificantly differ from the assumptions of the model. Lawrence concluded that Japan also has a verylow volumes of lower imports related to the existence of trade barriers.Key words: political barriers; trade barriers; international economic integration; monopolisticcompetition; non-tariff barriers; trade protection. ; Охарактеризовано класифікацію наукових підходів дослідження політико-економічних бар'єрів, систематизовано причинно-наслідкові зв'язки між інтеграцією та політичними бар'єрами, проведено теоретичне обгрунтування наслідків впливу політико-економічних бар'єрів на процес міжнародної економічної інтеграції. Систематизовано основні засади дослідження поняття «політико-економічні бар'єри інтеграції». Здійснено узагальнення підходів до обрахунку політико-економічних бар'єрів вітчизняними та зарубіжними вченими.Ключові слова: політичні бар'єри; торговельні бар'єри; міжнародна економічна інтеграція; монополістична конкуренція; нетарифні бар'єри; торговельний захист.

The paper deals with the essence of the concept of international economic integration, as one of the key aspects of the state's foreign economic activity. Attention is also paid to the peculiarities of the development of integration processes in Western Europe. In particular, the authors have determined that European integration is a complex and controversial socio-economic process of establishing close cooperation between European countries. It is also one of the manifestations of the trend of modern historical development, which sets the participating countries specific goals. ; У роботі розглянуто сутність поняття міжнародної економічної інтеграції, як однієї з ключових аспектів здійснення державою зовнішньоекономічної діяльності. Приділено також увагу особливостям розвитку інтеграційних процесів в Західній Європі. Зокрема авторами визначено, що європейська інтеграція є складним та суперечливим соціально-економічним процесом налагодження тісного співробітництва європейських держав. Вона також є одним із проявів тенденції сучасного історичного розвитку, що ставить перед країнами-учасницями конкретні цілі.

Thearticle analyses approaches of various schools,Russian and foreign economists to understanding of international economic integration. Eurasian integration projects are viewed as major driving forces of globalization. Current strategies of Eurasian regionalism and the role of Russia in this process is analyzed. Key tendencies and directions of integration in the global economy are examined. The article gives a detailed analysis of international economic unions and associations operating in the modern world. ; В статье анализируются подходы различных школ российских и зарубежных экономистов к пониманию международной экономической интеграции. Раскрываются евразийские интеграционные проекты как основные движущие силы мировой глобализации. Проводится анализ существующих стратегий евразийского регионализма и роль России в данном процессе. Рассматриваются основные тенденции и направления интеграционных образований в мировой экономике. В статье дан подробный анализ действующих в современном мире международных экономических союзов и объединений.

The article is concerned with studying of the impact of scientific and technological progress on economic integration and the involvement of individual countries in the international division of labor. The historical period of research covers the second half of the twentieth century. The purpose of the article is to define the main directions and features of the USSR's foreign economic policy under scientific and technological revolution and strengthening of international economic integration. Causal link between the development of international trade and economic integration under the impact of the scientific and technological revolution's challenges is shown in the results of the study. The place of the USSR and its satellites in the system of international economic relations is revealed. International trade with capitalist countries and economic relations with the CMEA are identified as the main directions of the involvement of Soviet economy in the international division of labor. The place of Ukraine in the system of foreign economic relations of the USSR is outlined. The statistical data as to international trade of USSR with capitalist and CMEA countries is compared by volume and major commodities. Preference for economic cooperation with the CMEA countries based on central planning in the absence of competition are revealed. The backward structure of the USSR's international trade with the predominance of energy and raw materials exports is emphasized, as well as the lagging behind the capitalist countries in the use high technology for the production of household goods. The results of research are important for understanding the current needs of inclusion of the national economy in the global economic processes.

The opening of the Colombian economy, decided in 1990, was supposed to promote a new model of growth and development based on exports (and Foreign Direct Investment). This dissertation argues that the opening was not made in order to promote growth and development, and that these two phenomena did not live up to what was expected. This result is based on an International Political Economy approach: taking into account power relationships may give a better explanation of economic phenomena. The first chapter shows that the structural characteristics of the Colombian economy made its opening unable to generate growth and development. This assertion is based on the analysis of the lack of competitiveness and of the institutional flaws of the Colombian economy, as well as on the potential increase in the spatial inequalities of development resulting from the opening. The second chapter thus highlights that the opening aimed at achieving some objectives peculiar to the United States. These objectives are made of economic considerations (typically the access to foreign markets and to raw materials) as well as political ones (dealing with the threats caused by Marxist guerrilla groups within the framework of the American foreign policy). This second chapter explains a series of means at the disposal of the United States to obtain the opening. These means go from coercion (such as sanction threats) to legitimation (to give rise to a Colombian pro-opening government). The third chapter shows that the opening did not lead to an export-led growth. On the contrary, it led to an unstable growth regime. The latter is based on the foreign capital flows. The latter feed the purchase of real estate assets by credit. The housing sector is thus stimulated, which in turn stimulates other economic activities, within the framework of spill-over effects. However, when foreign capital flows lack, real-estate asset purchases are penalized, thus preventing the expansion of the housing sector and eventually of aggregate production itself ...

The opening of the Colombian economy, decided in 1990, was supposed to promote a new model of growth and development based on exports (and Foreign Direct Investment). This dissertation argues that the opening was not made in order to promote growth and development, and that these two phenomena did not live up to what was expected. This result is based on an International Political Economy approach: taking into account power relationships may give a better explanation of economic phenomena. The first chapter shows that the structural characteristics of the Colombian economy made its opening unable to generate growth and development. This assertion is based on the analysis of the lack of competitiveness and of the institutional flaws of the Colombian economy, as well as on the potential increase in the spatial inequalities of development resulting from the opening. The second chapter thus highlights that the opening aimed at achieving some objectives peculiar to the United States. These objectives are made of economic considerations (typically the access to foreign markets and to raw materials) as well as political ones (dealing with the threats caused by Marxist guerrilla groups within the framework of the American foreign policy). This second chapter explains a series of means at the disposal of the United States to obtain the opening. These means go from coercion (such as sanction threats) to legitimation (to give rise to a Colombian pro-opening government). The third chapter shows that the opening did not lead to an export-led growth. On the contrary, it led to an unstable growth regime. The latter is based on the foreign capital flows. The latter feed the purchase of real estate assets by credit. The housing sector is thus stimulated, which in turn stimulates other economic activities, within the framework of spill-over effects. However, when foreign capital flows lack, real-estate asset purchases are penalized, thus preventing the expansion of the housing sector and eventually of aggregate production itself (spill-over effects no longer work). However, given the power relationship exercised by the United States, the Colombian government had to purchase American military equipment massively, in order to fight against the Colombian guerrillas. By doing so, the economic policy could not stabilize the economy at that time. Besides, the subsequent intensification of the conflict increased the violence within the Colombian territory, thus leading to the migration of skilled workers and to the destruction of infrastructures. The recession had thus been exacerbated. This scenario occurred a few years after 1990, resulting in the worst economic crisis of the 20th century in Colombia with a -5 % recession in 1999. The fourth chapter questions the changes followed by the production and exchange structures because of the opening, to show that these changes did not really contribute to development. Colombia tends to neglect its historic international specialization in coffee and other cultures like wheat, rice, barley, sorghum or cotton, to privilege other cultures whose positive effects on development are lower. As regards the industries of extraction of raw materials (in particular hydrocarbons), they are oriented toward exportation but they promote few development. In addition, the Colombian productive system may lack of this type of input in the future. Finally, if the manufacturing industry was able to increase at the rate of the growth regime, it owes it to the protection still remaining with the differential treatment for developing countries in the World Trade Organization, and less to the export opportunities given by the opening. When this treatment will be eliminated or at least decreased, a whole part of the Colombian economy will be threatened. ; L'ouverture de l'économie colombienne, décidée en 1990, fut présentée comme un promoteur de croissance et développement sur la base des exportations (et des Investissements Directs Etrangers). Cette thèse soutient que l'ouverture n'a pas été décidée afin de favoriser la croissance et le développement et que ces deux phénomènes n'ont pas été à la hauteur de ce qui était anticipé. Ce résultat est fondé sur une analyse en termes d'Economie Politique Internationale : les relations de pouvoir peuvent être utiles pour répondre à des questions d'ordre économique. Le premier chapitre montre que les caractéristiques structurelles de l'économie colombienne rendaient son ouverture impropre à générer croissance et développement sur la base des exportations. Cette proposition s'appuie sur l'analyse de la compétitivité sectorielle et des carences institutionnelles de l'économie colombienne, ainsi que sur l'accroissement potentiel des inégalités spatiales de développement suite à l'ouverture. Le deuxième chapitre s'attache alors à mettre en évidence que l'ouverture répond à des objectifs propres aux Etats-Unis. Ces objectifs sont à dominante économique (typiquement la création des débouchés extérieurs et l'accès à des matières premières) ou politique (lutte contre les guérillas d'inspiration communiste dans le cadre de la politique étrangère américaine). Le deuxième chapitre expose une série des moyens à la disposition des Etats-Unis afin d'obtenir l'ouverture du gouvernement colombien de l'époque. Ces moyens vont de la coercition (par exemple la menace de sanction) à la légitimation (favoriser l'élection d'un gouvernement pro-ouverture). Le troisième chapitre montre que l'ouverture n'a pas instauré un régime de croissance fondé sur les exportations. Au contraire, elle a instauré un régime instable fondé sur une dynamique spéculative sur les actifs immobiliers à partir des flux de capitaux étrangers venant nourrir l'achat de ces actifs à crédit. Lorsque ces capitaux finissent tôt ou tard par manquer, de tels achats sont pénalisés et viennent interrompre la dynamique. Celle-ci ne peut plus tirer la croissance via des effets d'entrainement du secteur de la construction sur le reste de l'économie. Mais pris au piège de la relation de pouvoir exercée par les Etats-Unis, le gouvernement colombien n'a pas cherché à stabiliser la conjoncture. Il a dû privilégier les dépenses en équipement militaire américain pour lutter contre les guérillas colombiennes. L'intensification subséquente du conflit armé a accentué la violence au sein du territoire. Il en résulta la destruction d'infrastructures, ainsi qu'une migration de travailleurs qualifiés. La récession en a été d'autant plus accentuée. Ainsi l'ouverture débouche-t-elle sur la pire crise économique du XXème siècle en Colombie, avec une récession de -5% en 1999. Le quatrième chapitre enquête sur les changements des structures de production et d'échange suite à l'ouverture, pour ainsi montrer que ces changements n'ont que peu favorisé le développement. La Colombie tend à négliger sa spécialisation internationale historique dans le café et la plupart des cultures transitoires (blé, riz, orge, sorgo, coton, etc.) pour privilégier d'autres cultures dont les effets positifs sur le développement sont moindres. Bien que les hydrocarbures et d'autres matières brutes bénéficient d'un certain potentiel d'exportation, le développement des territoires où l'extraction a lieu reste faible. Se pose en outre un problème de soutenabilité de l'extraction. Enfin, si l'industrie manufacturière a pu croitre au rythme du régime de croissance, elle le doit à la protection dont elle bénéficie encore dans le cadre du traitement différentiel des pays en développement à l'Organisation Mondiale du Commerce et moins aux opportunités d'exportation données par l'ouverture. Le jour où ce traitement sera diminué voire supprimé, toute une partie de l'économie colombienne est menacée.

This paper examines three hypothesis concerning the relationship among economic integration, the nation-State and democracy. The first one, the "diminished democracy" hypothesis, claims that in an integrating world economy national policymakers are increasingly constrained in their ability to produce the public goods the voters demand. According to the second hypothesis —"transnational federalism"— this deficit should be corrected by transforming the present Union into a federal State. The third hypothesis —"transnational constitutionalism"— acknowledges that democracy cannot flourish above the national level since the peoples of the member States of the EU do not form a demos. ; Este trabajo examina tres hipótesis que se refieren a la relación entre integración económica, el Estado-nación y la democracia. En la primera, la hipótesis de la "democracia disminuida", el autor afirma que en un mundo de economía mundial integradora los encargados de dictar las políticas nacionales se ven crecientemente constreñidos en su capacidad para producir los bienes públicos que demandan los electores. De acuerdo a la segunda hipótesis, "federalismo transnacional", este déficit se corregiría transformando la actual Unión en un Estado federal. La tercera hipótesis, "constitucionalismo transnacional", admite que la democracia no puede florecer por encima del nivel nacional puesto que la gente de los Estados miembro de la UE no constituyen un pueblo.