Search results

Frontmatter -- CONTENTS -- Introduction -- PART I. THE CHALLENGE OF SKEPTICISM -- Moral Skepticism and International Relations -- PART II. MORALITY AND THE RULES OF WAR -- War and Massacre -- Conventions and the Morality of War -- War and Innocence -- Self-Defense and the Killing of Noncombatants: A Reply to Fullinwider -- PART III. DETERRENCE ETHICS -- Missiles and Morals: A Utilitarian Look at Nuclear Deterrence -- Doubts About Unilateral Nuclear Disarmament -- Disarmament Revisited: A Reply to Kavka and Hardin -- PART IV. THE MORAL STATUS OF THE NATION-STATE -- The Rights of Political Communities (excerpts from Just and Unjust Wars) -- Just War and Human Rights -- The Moral Standing of States: A Response to Four Critics -- The Romance of the Nation-State -- PART V. INTERNATIONAL HUMANITARIANISM AND DISTRIBUTIVE JUSTICE -- Famine, Affluence, and Morality -- Lifeboat Earth -- Justice and International Relations -- The Contributors

The purpose of this ebook is to bring attention to many of the ethical issues that individuals, organizations, and even society must face as they engage in international business and explore new ways of understanding the cultural implications of the constructs of fraud and corruption

Discusses potential of a Network-Europe as a political horizon, different modes of legitimacy, and implications of organizational, ethical, and broad changes; EU.

Practical problems of international politics are often described in terms of building a bigger and better state—a European Union or an Atlantic Community or an Arab Union, without seeing that such an achievement would leave the problems of inter-state politics precisely where they were.

Attempts to describe international ethics in its diverse miens by developing an international moral scale. In addition to theorizing the concept of Just Peace, such a scale also fosters normative comparison between distinct international entities, ie, measuring international ethics. An ethical, or moral, scale is presented that ranges from pure contentment for everyone to absolute misery. Predominantly stressing the international over the individual, this scale categorizes the malfeasances & benevolent actions of a nation-state, community, or social group, not personal unhappiness or contentment. Above all, it is concerned with the matter of the diverse types of peace & war, & with their frequently intricate relationship. Tables, Figures. K. Coddon

Although the initial optimism surrounding the so-called New World Order has faded, the importance of moral and ethical values continues to affect political debate throughout the world. In this book Frances Harbour demonstrates through case studies how people with different moral perspectives can approach the problem of international ethics. She int

As Smith points out, Reinhold Niebuhr's political ethic is closely linked to his philosophy of history. This view of history blends a dualistic understanding of human nature and rigorous contingency of experience - all sobered by a creative sense of tragedy. Niebuhr's modest sensibility was forged amid the early catastrophes of the century and fell on fertile ground early in the Cold War. But in the ironic wake of that superpower struggle there is much in Niebuhr's anitriumphalism to commend to today's international relations theorists and practitioners. Following Augustine, Niebuhr offers no escape from the complexities and contingencies of history, but neither does he view history as gloomily fixed. Rather, Niebuhr's complex and often contradictory sense of historical destiny reflects a sober hope for a more just and peaceful world order.

Mervyn Frost's restatement of his constitutive theory of international relations raises a number of crucial points which need elaboration and discussion. Discussing the issues under the key headings used by Frost in his reply to my 'Human Rights as Settled Norms', I wish to focus on the following claim which I take to be central to the development of any norm-oriented approach to political and international theory. The claim is simply this; we are required, as a necessary component of post-positivist and constructivist theory, to take account of ethical and political inequalities in the development of any series of 'settled norms' that constitute the prevailing domain of discourse. This claim, I believe, accurately captures the core concerns of my earlier article and informs those tensions that remain to be discussed here.