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The military has long been associated with hard power, yet it is engaged in public diplomacy as it represents the U.S. abroad and facilitates the diffusion of ideas. Military Soft Power examines one such aspect of U.S. public diplomacy: how the United States extends its influence or "soft power" worldwide through military educational exchange programs hosted by the United States' elite military schools, its war and staff colleges. The presence of international officers at U.S. military schools is substantial, yet very little is known about the long-term impacts of these exchanges. This study shows how the exchanges build personal and professional networks that then serve as important conduits of ideas between the United States and other countries. These networks help to improve interoperability between the U.S. military and its partner nations and to extend U.S. influence through military soft power rather than through hard power.

The US foreign service was a civilian process until the end of the Second World War. Since then, the armed forces have encroached on the State Department's diplomatic mission. The Goldwater‐Nichols Act of 1986 authorized worldwide "Commands" in the Department of Defense. This left to the uniformed heads of the Commands the latitude – and funds – to usurp more of the diplomats' foreign‐affairs authority within their geographic areas. It is time to change this strategy.

This paper aims to identify some of the elements which should help clarify what is meant by 'defence diplomacy' (or 'military diplomacy') and how this diplomatic tool has been used in the context of Brazil. As this discussion is still is in its early stages, the goal will be to make a conceptual contribution toward a better definition of the term, especially considering the case of Brazil. Based on the examination of how the term has been empirically used in the history of the Brazilian Armed Forces, this text will demonstrate the extent to which Brazil's international relations may benefit from defence diplomacy, in articulation with the foreign policy.

Global power shift and the long-lasting war on terror have left deep impact for US foreign policy. It has put a blow on the overall political, economic and diplomatic affairs that has caused securitization and increased military influence in American foreign policies. The post-9/11 deviations in military related policies to report these changing security scenarios have caused drift in civil-military tensions. It is subsequently becoming important to understand that states can fuse a military that is obliged to do the acts, the civilians ask them to, consequently guarantees that a military will remain under the control of civilian enough to the civilians and the state authorizes it to perform any task. Therefore, shifting the strategic policy, the defence diplomacy of the United States in the core of the current war against terror in Afghanistan helped US military to operate without granting of total authority to the Taliban. There is a notion that when war ends, diplomacy begins. But reality lies in a fact that diplomacy is a constant before, during and after wars. When diplomacy fails, war becomes an option at times.

The authors characterize a period of the civil – military relations in Chile previous to the crisis of 1973. It is the period between 1942 and 1952 to apply a concept of "military diplomacy" and to describe the professional autonomous relations between the armed forces of Chile and the United States. This allows us to check Huntington's professionalism model, as even though these contacts between the Armed Forces relate in a professional level, by means of the military American assistance, in the frame of Pan-American cooperation, conformity takes place between the Chilean and the American strategic perspectives. All of this inside a formal subordination in terms of civil – military relations. This allows the Chilean military personnel in charge to communicate, at the level of the political conduction and of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Chile, their proposals reconciled with the military commanders. ; Los autores caracterizan un periodo de las relaciones civiles-militares en Chile anterior a la crisis de 1973. Es el periodo comprendido entre los años 1942 y 1952 para aplicar un concepto de "diplomacia militar" y describir las relaciones profesionales autónomas entre las fuerzas armadas de Chile y Estados Unidos. Esto nos permite verificar el modelo del profesionalismo de Huntington, pues si bien estos contactos entre las Fuerzas Armadas se relacionan en un nivel profesional, mediante la asistencia militar estadounidense, en el marco de cooperación panamericana, se produce una concordancia entre la perspectiva estratégica chilena y la estadounidense. Todo dentro de una subordinación formal en términos de relaciones civiles-militares. Esto les permite a los mandos militares chilenos comunicar a nivel de la conducción política y del Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores de Chile sus propuestas concordadas con mandos militares de EE.UU.

It is a textbook cliché that the diplomatic history of Europe between 1815 and 1914 was characterized by the increasing prominence of military men and military considerations in policy-making. It is almost as generally accepted that the Franco-Prussian War was a milestone in the development of this process, particularly in the new German Empire. What must not be overlooked in the search for future portents, however, is the consistently minor role soldiers on both sides actually played in the diplomacy of 1870. This essay offers some generalizations on the background and structure of the relationships between soldiers and statesmen during the Franco-Prussian War.

"September 1988"--P. 5. ; Shipping list number: 88-623-P. ; Caption title. ; Mode of access: Internet.

AbstractThis paper explores the impact of the 1991 Mt Pinatubo eruption on the US-Republic of the Philippines military relations through the lens of disaster diplomacy. Disaster diplomacy focuses on how and why disaster-related activities (e.g. mitigation, prevention and response) do and do not yield diplomatic gains, looking mainly at disaster-related activities affecting diplomacy rather than the reverse. Disaster diplomacy 'pathways', identified in previous studies, help to explain how the Filipino and US governments approached the negotiations for renewing the lease of the US military facilities in the Philippines in the context of two bases being damaged by a volcanic eruption. The paper further addresses six underpinning questions of disaster diplomacy for this case study. These questions assist in answering this paper's central research question: how much did the 1991 eruption of Mt Pinatubo influence US-Philippines military cooperation due to the concurrent diplomatic talks between the two governments regarding the lease renewal for the US bases in the Philippines? The answer is that disaster-related activities due to the Mt Pinatubo eruption had a short-term impact on US-Philippines diplomacy. This impact was seen in the context of significant connections already existing, through the long-standing US-Philippines military links. Over the long-term, non-disaster factors had a more significant impact on US-Philippines military diplomacy than Mt Pinatubo, adding to the list of case studies for which disaster diplomacy's impact was limited.

The German military intelligence presence in Sweden predated the beginning of World War II in 1939. Despite this, during World War I and the interwar period, only a few German spies had been captured by Swedish counterintelligence. The reason why Germany could almost freely collect intelligence in Sweden during this period, both legally and illegally, lies a great deal in the historical ties between the two countries. But not to be forgotten is the traditional Swedish view of Russia as the great enemy. The absolute majority of the spies captured during those years were working for Russia and later the Soviet Union. This did not change with Adolph Hitler's takeover of Germany in 1933. Even when Swedish counterintelligence received rumors about German spies within the Wandervogel youth movement and, after 1933, the Hitlerjugand, both active in Sweden, those rumors were not investigated. German military intelligence activity in Sweden greatly expanded, in parallel with its central organization in Germany itself during the 1930s. The leadership of the German military intelligence, Abwehr, built up an extensive organization inside Sweden, not only at the German legation, but also among Germans living in Sweden. At the outbreak of the war in 1939, the Abwehr was well prepared, with a network of informants all over Sweden. The results during the war, however, would be mixed. Adapted from the source document.

The People�s Liberation Army�s recent participation in bilateral and multilateral military exercises is a remarkable evolution in China�s approach to military diplomacy and national security. These exercises are better understood when viewed within the context of Beijing�s confidencebuilding strategy, recognition of non-traditional threats, emphasis on force modernisation and military operations other than war, and desire to counterbalance the United States. In addition, the analysis of both the benefits and implications these exercises have for the Chinese military provides observers with a better understanding of the People�s Liberation Army and its approach to military diplomacy