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Suggests that Palestinians may have a viable multiparty system and argues that Israel neither expected it nor likes it. Attention is also given to the departure of Jews from Israel.

Intro -- The Politics of Turkish Democracy: Ismet Inönü and the Formation of the Multi-Party System, 1938-1950 -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction: Ismet Inönü and Multi-Party Politics in Turkish History -- 1. Political Discourse and Reform in Turkey -- 2. The Election of Ismet Inönü as President Kemalist: Hegemony and Alternative Definitions -- 3. War at Home, War Abroad: New Terms ofDomination -- 4. New Alliances and Demands for Change -- 5. The Emergence of Organized Opposition -- 6. Post-War International Tensions, and the Expression of Opposition -- 7. The Emergence of the Democrat Party: The Challenge, and Limits, of Organized Opposition -- 8. The Confines of the Cold War and the Redefinition of Kemalism -- 9. Multi-Party Politics and theDefeat of Democracy -- Endnotes -- Notes to Chapter One -- Notes to Chapter Two -- Notes to Chapter Three -- Notes to Chapter Four -- Notes to Chapter Five -- Notes to Chapter Six -- Notes to Chapter Seven -- Notes to Chapter Eight -- Notes to Chapter Nine -- Bibliography -- Index -- A -- B -- C -- D -- E -- F -- G -- H -- I -- J -- K -- L -- M -- N -- O -- P -- R -- S -- T -- U -- V -- W -- Y -- Z.

REPRESENTATIVE PANAL SURVEY BEFORE AND AFTER THE DANISH 1971 ELECTION SHOWS THAT WITH MINOR MODIFICATIONS, THE CONCEPT AND MEASUREMENT OF PARTY IDENTIFICATION FUNCTIONS ALSO IN THE DANISH MULTI-PARTY SYSTEM. THOUGH PARTY LOYALTIES ARE NOT AS WIDESPREAD AND STABLE AS MIGHT BE EXPECTED THEIR CORRELATES WITH AGE, PARENTS' PARTISANSHIP, AND POLITICAL INVOLVEMENT CONFORM TO THEORETICAL EXPECTATIONS.

5th World Conference on Educational Sciences (WCES) -- FEB 05-08, 2013 -- Rome Sapienza Univ, Rome, ITALY ; WOS: 000335471202054 ; The most effective elements upon policies that were conducted in fields of education and culture during the period of Ataturk were nationalism, secularism and westernism. The field of history was also shaped in this direction as a part of culture and the history education was arranged accordingly. During the period of Inonu, the humanist movement of thought affected the culture policies and being different from the period of Ataturk, humanism started to be effective in history courses, alongside of the nationalism, which was taught predominantly. The process of multi-party life started in Turkey within the new world order as from 1945 and the Democratic Party, which was established as the opposition party in 1946, came to power as a result of the elections in 1950. During the period of the Democratic Party, the studies on the Ottoman History increased. Some of the historians of this period considered the historiography of the one-party regime romantic and dreamer, and they defended the necessity of teaching the historical subjects with a scientific method and critical aspect. (C) 2013 The Authors. Published by Elsevier Ltd. ; Near E Univ, Ankara Univ, Bahcesehir Univ

Cover -- 1. Introduction -- 1.1 Perspectives on voting behavior in the 2009 and 2013 elections -- 1.2 Theoretical framework, model, and expectations -- 1.3 Data and methodology -- 1.4 Plan of the book -- 2. How voters perceived the campaigns -- 2.1 Introduction -- 2.2 Exposure to campaign communication -- 2.3 Selectivity of campaign exposure -- 2.4 Evaluations of campaign stimuli and their selectivity -- 2.5 Conclusion -- 3. The campaign dynamics of participatory and partisan attitudes -- 3.1 Introduction -- 3.2 Participatory attitudes -- 3.3 Partisan attitudes -- 3.3.1 Introduction -- 3.3.2 Issue attitudes -- 3.3.3 Evaluations of government performance -- 3.3.4 Candidate attitudes -- 3.3.5 Coalition preferences -- 3.4 Conclusion -- 4. The campaign dynamics of turnout and party choice -- 4.1 Introduction -- 4.2 Turnout -- 4.3 Vote choice -- 4.4 Conclusion -- 5. Campaign effects on turnout at the individual level -- 5.1 Introduction -- 5.2 Methodology -- 5.3 Effects of campaign communication and participatory attitudes on turnout -- 5.4 Conclusion -- 6. Campaign effects on party choice at the individual level -- 6.1 Introduction -- 6.2 Model, expectations, and analytical strategy -- 6.2.1 Model and expectations -- 6.2.2 Analytical strategy -- 6.3 Effects of partisan attitudes on vote choice -- 6.4 Effects of campaign stimuli on vote choice -- 6.5 Conclusion -- 7. Conclusion -- References -- Appendix A: Question wording and construction of variables -- Political behavior -- Predispositions -- Participatory and partisan attitudes -- Communication and campaign stimuli -- Variables that capture campaign trajectories of turnout: -- Variables that capture campaign trajectories of party choice: -- Appendix B: Treatment of missing data by design for the fixed effects-models in Chapters 5 and 6 -- Appendix C: Additional tables

This paper aims to investigate the effect of the multi-party system on national security stability in Indonesia. There are two questions related to national defense and security aspects, namely how many political parties are suitable, and how do the election and the number of parties influences the stability of national security? The research approach is a mixed method. For quantitative methods, we use inferential statistical analysis based on statistical data from the 1955 to 2019 elections and the 2005-2018 local elections. From the Effective Number of Election Parties (ENEP), the total Crime, and the Indonesian Democratic Index, we find that all national voters in each election in Indonesia will accumulate significantly in the range of five to ten parties, regardless of the number of political parties participating in the election. For qualitative methods, we formed a two-session FGD that discussed ENEP and its risks to national defense and security and how to recommend related policies. We conclude that the 4-5% Electoral threshold is sufficient to be enforced as a rule in the next election. Local elections (pilkada) outside Java and Bali have a more significant influence on national security stability than national legislative elections. The implications of this study encourage policymakers in the field of national defense and security to take anticipatory steps towards differences in the risks of holding elections and local elections (pilkada), as well as the direction and focus of pilkada research, especially in the perspective of national defense and security.