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Empowerment of women by means of microcredit-based income generation programs is appraised in a broader historical context. The whole picture shows how women's interests are being subsumed by & subordinated to the priorities of mainstream development in ways detrimental to the radical aspirations of nongovernmental organization (NGO) empowerment projects. A critical evaluation of current approaches used in studies on microcredit & empowement shows that the primary focus has been on the final outcomes of microenterprises, rather than the process through which they are achieved. Field research in Bangladesh demonstrates that the widely documented successes of microenterprises are a result of the activities of the institutions that are considered to be oppressive to women. In this process, NGOs contribute to further legitimization of the institutions that their microenterprises desire to transform. Adapted from the source document.

Can the "associational revolution" improve authoritarian government responsiveness? If it can, what kind of nongovernmental organization (NGO) can successfully lobby the government? Based on different theoretical perspectives, I develop three hypotheses: a pluralist hypothesis that focuses on resource exchange between such organizations and the government, a corporatist hypothesis that focuses on government institutional control and policy consultant intention, and a clientelist hypothesis that recognizes the underinstitutionalization of the policy-making process and emphasizes the informal network. I then test these hypotheses with a quantitative study of survey data of registered NGOs in three Chinese provinces. I find that the corporatist hypothesis is largely supported; the pluralism hypothesis is also somewhat supported while the clientelist hypothesis is not supported. The data reflect a hybrid pattern of policy advocacy that I term pluralized state corporatism, which fits China's recent social-economic transformation and lagged political reform.

In this case, I describe and discuss methodological decisions made during my research for my PhD dissertation on professionalization and bureaucratization of nongovernmental organizations. With the aim of studying which factors promote or inhibit structural isomorphism, I conducted ethnographic fieldwork in five organizations. In this case, I reflect on the ethical and practical problems that I faced. I then provide a list of practical recommendations and solutions to overcome obstacles that organizational ethnographers frequently find in their research. These obstacles have to do with selecting a research topic, selecting case studies, designing a flexible research plan, elaborating a contingency plan, negotiating with gatekeepers, accessing organizations through the ?back door, defining the role of the ethnographer in the studied organization, and preserving informant? confidentiality.

Objective. This research adds to our understanding of environmental degradation by evaluating the "contested" role international nongovernmental organizations play in managing environmental problems.Methods. I use cross‐national data for a sample of up to 70 nations to examine the effect of international nongovernmental organizations on deforestation for the period of 1990 to 2000. The models also include relevant controls for gross national product, economic growth, population growth, democracy, government expenditures, domestic investment, forest stocks, exports, multinational corporations, and structural adjustment.Results. The main findings indicate that nations with higher levels of international nongovernmental organizations presence have lower levels of deforestation. I also examine the effects of international nongovernmental organizations at different levels of democracy by including an interaction term between international nongovernmental organizations and democracy. In doing so, I find that international nongovernmental organizations continue to reduce deforestation. However, they reduce deforestation more at higher rather than at lower levels of democracy.Conclusions. This research illustrates that international nongovernmental organizations reduce deforestation despite claims to the contrary. However, their effectiveness appears to be affected by the level of democracy in a nation.

AbstractPartnerships between business and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) that seek to promote fair trade between small scale producers in poor countries and Western consumers are opening up new and potentially challenging approaches to development in terms of income generation, local capacity building, and alternative sources of NGO funding. However, such ventures face a distinctive set of problems, many of which arise because these ventures are located uncomfortably on the boudary between the nonprofit and the business sectors. The concept of sectoral ambiguity helps to explain observed problems with confused expectations, management tensions, and lack of sustainability. Strengthening these partnerships will require greater transparency, market diversification, long‐range planning, and the building of a set of more realistic expectations.

ObjectiveThis research adds to our understanding of environmental degradation by evaluating the "contested" role international nongovernmental organizations play in managing environmental problems. MethodsI use cross-national data for a sample of up to 70 nations to examine the effect of international nongovernmental organizations on deforestation for the period of 1990 to 2000. The models also include relevant controls for gross national product, economic growth, population growth, democracy, government expenditures, domestic investment, forest stocks, exports, multinational corporations, and structural adjustment. ResultsThe main findings indicate that nations with higher levels of international nongovernmental organizations presence have lower levels of deforestation. I also examine the effects of international nongovernmental organizations at different levels of democracy by including an interaction term between international nongovernmental organizations and democracy. In doing so, I find that international nongovernmental organizations continue to reduce deforestation. However, they reduce deforestation more at higher rather than at lower levels of democracy. ConclusionsThis research illustrates that international nongovernmental organizations reduce deforestation despite claims to the contrary. However, their effectiveness appears to be affected by the level of democracy in a nation. Adapted from the source document.

In Spain, as in other developed countries, the old public sector—private sector dichotomy is no longer valid as, between them, the two sectors cannot cover all social groups. As a result, the third sector has emerged strongly, with nongovernmental organizations for development (NGODs) being a clear example of this. This type of organization is assumed to have a series of specific values, among which some of the most important are the fostering of social capital, financial autonomy, political independence, transparency, and good governance. This study analyzes the current position of this emerging sector in Spain. To achieve this, a series of index numbers have been established to measure these comparisons in order to study the types of relationships existing between them. The results show that the Spanish NGOD sector is developing toward transparency. However, from a financial point of view, it is still very dependent, not very critical, and very atomized.

The transnational approach relativizes the role traditionally assigned to the state, without heralding its demise, disposes of the spatial factor without denying territorial realities and introduces a global perspective without underestimating analytical method. Discusses one of the categories of transnational forces: what are usually known as 'international nongovernmental organizations' (INGOs) or 'trans-national associations'. (RSM)