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Venue — the institutional setting in which actors interact — is a critical but neglected factor in international norm creation. This article brings together constructivist and rationalist insights to explain both why and how venue affects norm creation and how norm leaders choose among different venues. First, it highlights the importance of negotiation alongside persuasion in norm emergence — the first stage of Finnemore and Sikkink's (1998) norm life cycle — thus opening space for a full consideration of venues within the constructivist paradigm. Second, it details how venue membership, mandate, output status, rules of procedure/operating procedures and legitimacy affect both the content and the level of international support of an emerging norm. Third, it offers a conceptual framework for understanding how norm leaders choose venues. Finally, it illustrates the impact of venue on norm creation and the dynamics of strategic venue choice by examining venue changes during the movement to ban anti-personnel landmines and the effort to promote international consensus on humanitarian intervention.

Venue -- the institutional setting in which actors interact -- is a critical but neglected factor in international norm creation. This article brings together constructivist and rationalist insights to explain both why and how venue affects norm creation and how norm leaders choose among different venues. First, it highlights the importance of negotiation alongside persuasion in norm emergence -- the first stage of Finnemore and Sikkink's (1998) norm life cycle -- thus opening space for a full consideration of venues within the constructivist paradigm. Second, it details how venue membership, mandate, output status, rules of procedure/operating procedures and legitimacy affect both the content and the level of international support of an emerging norm. Third, it offers a conceptual framework for understanding how norm leaders choose venues. Finally, it illustrates the impact of venue on norm creation and the dynamics of strategic venue choice by examining venue changes during the movement to ban anti-personnel landmines and the effort to promote international consensus on humanitarian intervention. [Reprinted by permission; copyright Sage Publications Ltd. & ECPR-European Consortium for Political Research.]

The fruitfulness and the necessity of the distinction between values and norms and as principles are investigated by way of the theory of political development, the legal philosophical issue surrounding natural law and positivism and the views of Habermas. In political developmental theory questions centring on value gained legitimate relevancy under the influ­ ence of the post-behaviorist approach. The quest for cultural universalia or values as principles became important in this sphere because it seems to be the only way to escape from the syndrome of modernity. Through the rejection of the oppositions and one-sidedness of legal positivism and natural law and with the aid of the distinction between values, norms and principles the productive contribution of this spurious dilemma is high­ lighted and a clearer delineation is given of the concepts legal develop­ ment and structural violence. In conclusion Habermas's distinction between norms and meta-norms is investigated critically and immanent contradictions in his views are pointed out. The central place which this issue has in his thought can be seen as a confirmation of the importance of this distinction. It is relevant for all the normative disciplines which - in contrast to the natural sciences - focus on the role of linguistic, social, ethical, legal and artistic norms valid for human societies.

"Eine der Lücken in der Forschung über internationale Normen ist der Prozess, über den diese Normen auf der jeweiligen nationalen Ebene institutionalisiert und angenommen werden. Eine internationale Norm, die auf ihrem Weg durch unterschiedliche nationale (und sogar grassroots-)Ebenen navigieren muss, benötigt inländische Norm-Unternehmer, um vor Ort etabliert zu werden. Der Beitrag zeichnet die lokale Verankerung der UN-Norm zu Frauen, Frieden und Sicherheit in den Philippinen nach, die von einem Netzwerk von Frauen-Friedensorganisationen mit transnationalen Verbindungen - dem Netzwerk Women Engaged in Action on UNSCR 1325 (WE Act 1325) - vorangetrieben worden ist. Er geht den Anfängen dieses Netzwerks und seiner kollektiven Arbeit an der Formulierung des philippinischen Nationalen Aktionsplans zu Resolution 1325 wie auch den verschiedenen Initiativen zur Ausgestaltung der Norm auf lokaler Ebene nach. Auch widmet er sich der Arbeit der Mitglieder des Netzwerks, die letztlich ein aktiver Teil des Friedensprozesses im Land geworden sind. Da die auf Frauenbelange bezogenen Gesetze in den Philippinen das Bekenntnis des Landes zu seinen internationalen Verpflichtungen widerspiegeln, zeigt die Fallstudie auch, wie Frauenrechtsthemen und -belange institutionalisiert worden sind. Diese Institutionalisierung bereite den Weg dafür, dass ein Gender-Bewusstsein Teil der normativen Einstellung von Schlüsselakteuren des gesellschaftlichen Wandels geworden ist." (Autorenreferat)

Social norms are often cited as the cause of many social phenomena, especially as an explanation for prosocial family and relationship behaviors. And yet maybe we love the idea of social norms too much, as suggested by our failure to subject them to rigorous test. Compared to the detail in social norms theoretical orientations, there is very little detail in tests of normative theories. To provide guidance to researchers who invoke social norms as explanations, we catalog normative orientations that have been proposed to account for consistent patterns of action. We call on researchers to conduct tests of normative theories and the processes such theories assert.

International audience ; Technical norms, social norms, the chinese internet under contrololivier arifon 1, * 1 : resic (resic)* : auteur correspondantWith internet, the Chinese's government is coherent with its global project for the country. Since 1995, it has recommended a use of internet for the society and developed several forms of control. actually, four registers co exists: a technical control, a legal regulation, human measures on civil society and, more complex, a Chinese entrepreneurship solution. Here western enterprises should share the Chinese market with Chinese's competitors, according to a competitive intelligence strategy supported by the State. the article proposes to present theses different aspects. First, it's interesting to compare the western conceptions of internet with the Chinese ones. in the West, it's widely admitted that internet, since its origin until now, rely on liberty of speech, of exchanges, allows development of competencies and access to knowledge, dimensions included in a liberal and socio technical context. in other words, it's a sovereign internet on its own bases (for more details, see the debates of the internet governance Forum). nevertheless, the reality shows the contrary, especially in the year 2012, and governance is still decided and done by the governments. in China, the government has developed an appreciably different discourse. internet is a tool for the economical development of the country and more recently, the Web is presented for its role on increasing living conditions and expectancies. it's a tool, which offers right to know, to participate, and to be heard but strictly according to the rule of law. For a summary of the official opinion, see a sta tement on radio China international (http://french.cri.cn, 18 January 2012). it's a regulated tool within the frontiers, and based upon the national principle of sovereignty. Several dimensions structured the research methodology: survey of web sites in French, english, Chinese, contacts with Chinese and ...

International audience ; Technical norms, social norms, the chinese internet under contrololivier arifon 1, * 1 : resic (resic)* : auteur correspondantWith internet, the Chinese's government is coherent with its global project for the country. Since 1995, it has recommended a use of internet for the society and developed several forms of control. actually, four registers co exists: a technical control, a legal regulation, human measures on civil society and, more complex, a Chinese entrepreneurship solution. Here western enterprises should share the Chinese market with Chinese's competitors, according to a competitive intelligence strategy supported by the State. the article proposes to present theses different aspects. First, it's interesting to compare the western conceptions of internet with the Chinese ones. in the West, it's widely admitted that internet, since its origin until now, rely on liberty of speech, of exchanges, allows development of competencies and access to knowledge, dimensions included in a liberal and socio technical context. in other words, it's a sovereign internet on its own bases (for more details, see the debates of the internet governance Forum). nevertheless, the reality shows the contrary, especially in the year 2012, and governance is still decided and done by the governments. in China, the government has developed an appreciably different discourse. internet is a tool for the economical development of the country and more recently, the Web is presented for its role on increasing living conditions and expectancies. it's a tool, which offers right to know, to participate, and to be heard but strictly according to the rule of law. For a summary of the official opinion, see a sta tement on radio China international (http://french.cri.cn, 18 January 2012). it's a regulated tool within the frontiers, and based upon the national principle of sovereignty. Several dimensions structured the research methodology: survey of web sites in French, english, Chinese, contacts with Chinese and ...