Suchergebnisse

Abstract: After decades of international cooperative strategies based on soft power through Official Development Assistance (ODA), the environmental, socioeconomic, and political change in the circumpolar North has led Japan to develop and link its Arctic policy with its Oceanic policy. To respond to the rising influence of China in the geopolitical and geoeconomic scene, Japan's maritime policy is based on international peace and stability, freedom of navigation, and the support of the international legal framework. Beyond its regional sphere of interest and influence, the inclusion of the Arctic region in Japan's Oceanic policy is also strongly connected to the influence of think tanks, lobbies, and institutions in Japan's policies, that for decades have encouraged Tokyo to take proactive measures. This policy also illustrates the ambition to present a comprehensive panoramic strategy embracing not only seas and oceans directly surrounding Japan, but worldwide.

Since the commercial aviation boom in the 1960s and 70s, the subsea cable industry has relied on global air travel for network development, infrastructure maintenance, and market penetration. However, COVID-19 disruptions forced a shift to remote work, challenging traditional travel practices and presenting an opportunity for carbon emission reduction. This study investigates the industry's response to the "new normal" and its implications for mobility and sustainability. We employ a media industries approach and conduct open-ended interviews with industry leaders to examine the potential balance between remote work benefits and essential in-person aspects, questioning whether the industry should return to pre-pandemic travel levels or embrace remote work's ecological and financial benefits. Our findings indicate that remote work suitability varies depending on project stage, involved personnel, and the existing social fabric. To facilitate travel-related carbon footprint monitoring for cable consortiums, we developed a calculator to determine the industry's emissions when adopting remote work. Our interdisciplinary study also emphasizes mobility's intricate role in subsea cable systems and broader media infrastructure studies. By scrutinizing corporate cultures, communication practices, and transportation infrastructures, we enhance the scholarly comprehension of the social fabric underpinning global digital networks and investigate potential shifts toward a more sustainable media industry.

One of the main obstacles to the development of Iran's foreign trade over the centuries has been the location of its fertile northern provinces, which are shut off from the world's open seas by vast deserts and huge mountain chains. Since these provinces produced the country's most valuable export—silk—and since, after the transfer of the capital to Tehran, they included its largest consuming centers, trade had to be conducted over long caravan routes. In the seventeenth century, much silk was shipped through the Persian Gulf ports, but with the end of the Turco-Persian wars the bulk of Iran's westward trade passed across the Ottoman Empire—through Baghdad, and thence to either the Persian Gulf or the Mediterranean, or through Erzurum (Erzerum), and thence to Istanbul (Constantinople), Izmir (Smyrna) or Aleppo. However, all these routes were long, insecure, and expensive.

This article analyses the interplay between politics and law in the recent attempts to strengthen the humanitarian commitment to saving lives in mare liberum. Despite a long-standing obligation to aid people in distress at sea, this so-called search and rescue regime has been marred by conflicts and political standoffs as states were faced with a growing number of capsising boat migrants potentially claiming international protection once on dry land. Attempts to provide a legal solution to these problems have resulted in a re-spatialisation of the high seas, extending the states' obligations in the international public domain based on geography rather than traditional functionalist principles that operated in the open seas. However, inadvertently, this further legalisation has equally enabled states to instrumentalise law to barter off and deconstruct responsibility by reference to traditional norms of sovereignty and maritime law. In other words, states may be able to reclaim sovereign power by becoming increasingly norm-savvy and successfully navigating the legal playing field provided by the very expansion of international law itself. Thus, rather than being simply a space of non-sovereignty per se, mare liberum becomes the venue for a complex game of sovereignty, law and politics.

This article analyses the interplay between politics and law in the recent attempts to strengthen the humanitarian commitment to saving lives in mare liberum. Despite a long-standing obligation to aid people in distress at sea, this so-called search and rescue regime has been marred by conflicts and political standoffs as states were faced with a growing number of capsising boat migrants potentially claiming international protection once on dry land. Attempts to provide a legal solution to these problems have resulted in a re-spatialisation of the high seas, extending the states' obligations in the international public domain based on geography rather than traditional functionalist principles that operated in the open seas. However, inadvertently, this further legalisation has equally enabled states to instrumentalise law to barter off and deconstruct responsibility by reference to traditional norms of sovereignty and maritime law. In other words, states may be able to reclaim sovereign power by becoming increasingly norm-savvy and successfully navigating the legal playing field provided by the very expansion of international law itself. Thus, rather than being simply a space of non-sovereignty per se, mare liberum becomes the venue for a complex game of sovereignty, law and politics. Adapted from the source document.

Israel's Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is vowing to launch an invasion of Rafah, a city located along the Gaza-Egypt border where more than 1.5 million Palestinians currently shelter.Egypt's stakes are extremely high given how much spillover from Gaza into the Sinai Peninsula could be destabilizing. Cairo understandably wants this war to be over immediately.A massive refugee influx into the Sinai from Gaza could result in Palestinians waging an armed resistance against Israel from Egyptian soil — a nightmarish scenario from Cairo's perspective. Egypt also does not want to be seen as accepting Palestinian refugees in exchange for money from the U.S., which would contribute to perceptions on the "Arab Street" that President Abdel Fatah el-Sisi's government is complicit in a "Nakba 2.0."Understanding Egypt's vulnerability to spillover from Gaza requires considering Cairo's other foreign policy challenges too. The Gaza war's spread into the Red Sea has harmed Egypt's economy in the form of lost Suez Canal revenue with ships rerouting to avoid the body of water altogether. Additionally, Rafah isn't the only border security crisis concerning Egyptian officials. "They've got Sudan in the south, which is a mess. To the west, Libya is a mess. So basically, everywhere Egypt looks now is a problem. There's also the issue of the Renaissance Dam," noted Kenneth Katzman, a Senior Fellow at the Soufan Center, in an interview with RS.The U.S. RoleSince October, Egyptian diplomacy has been key to efforts aimed at implementing a ceasefire, negotiating hostage-prisoner swaps, and delivering Gaza humanitarian assistance. As a result, the Biden administration perceives Egypt to be more indispensable than ever. Notably, Biden and his team haven't recently criticized the Sisi government's human rights record — a major contrast to Biden's rhetoric as a presidential candidate.The White House understands Cairo's concerns and Biden's public position is that Israel should not wage a full-scale assault on Rafah without ensuring the safety of Palestinians sheltering there. But Egypt continues to be frustrated with Biden's refusal to deploy Washington's leverage to pressure Israel into actually changing its conduct on the ground."Washington's support [for Egypt on this front has been] confined to making clear its opposition to any full-scale transfer of refugees, forced, unforced, permanent, or temporary," Charles Dunne, a former U.S. diplomat who served in Cairo and Jerusalem, told RS. "It is pushing back on talk in Israel — so far unofficial — that a mass population transfer could be part of the solution to Israel's Gaza problem," he added."My personal conclusion is that [U.S. officials] probably made the point [to their Egyptian counterparts] that some of the Gazans would inevitably be needed to be let into Egypt in order to prevent a greater humanitarian catastrophe as the Israelis move military operations closer to Rafah," Dave DesRoches, an assistant professor at the National Defense University in Washington, DC, told RS. "My guess is the Egyptians are concerned both that the Gazan presence would become permanent as well as that Egypt would be seen as abetting the Israeli military operations," he added.If Israel wages an all-out assault on Rafah and there is a massive displacement of Palestinians into Egypt, Washington would probably financially assist Cairo. But Katzman belives the White House is likely more focused on trying to prevent that from happening. "My impression is that [the Biden] administration is not really tackling the idea of what if there is a flood of refugees into the Sinai, while I think [its] strategy is to make sure that doesn't happen in the first place," he told RS.Katzman added, "The U.S. is encouraging Israel to coordinate with Egypt to the extent possible, which I think is happening. But beyond that, I don't think the administration has done any planning because they don't expect that worst case scenario to happen.""Cairo worries that even entertaining the idea for emergency planning purposes could be seen as a green light to the IDF. That appears to be where we are for now, and Cairo has focused on building a fortified buffer zone along the border with Gaza to prevent a refugee crisis," said Dunne.Red Sea CrisisAnother important aspect of U.S.-Egypt relations amid the Gaza war and its regionalization is the Red Sea security crisis. Since November, the Houthis have been launching missiles and drones at ships off Yemen's coast, claiming to support Gaza by targeting vessels linked to Israel, the U.S., and the UK. As of last month, Egypt's Suez Canal revenue had decreased by 40 to 50 percent throughout the crisis, according to Sisi.Gordon Gray, the former U.S. ambassador to Tunisia, told RS that there is "strong incentive for Egypt to assist the U.S. efforts to guarantee freedom of the seas" given what is at stake for Egypt in terms of Suez Canal fees amid Houthi maritime attacks.But despite economic setbacks from the Red Sea security crisis, Egypt did not join Operation Prosperity Guardian (OPG) and Cairo has played no official role in the Washington-led bombing campaign against the Houthis that began almost two months ago. This is not because Cairo doesn't share the West's concerns about the Houthi attacks on vessels. To the contrary, Egypt and the U.S. strongly agree that no Yemeni group should be allowed to disrupt maritime shipping in the region. In fact, when Saudi Arabia launched Operation Decisive Storm in March 2015, Egypt committed its naval forces to provide security in the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden. At that time, Sisi referred to the Red Sea as an "Arab lake" and identified the Bab al-Mandab as important to "Egyptian and Arab national security."Public opinion at home mostly explains Cairo not joining OPG nor formally supporting the U.S.-UK strikes. Many Egyptians would now see their government overtly aligning with Washington and London against the Houthis as Cairo facilitating Israel's war on Gaza."Egypt has refused to join [OPG] and, while it's possible that Egypt is making some behind-the-scenes contribution, any such contribution is pretty much invisible to the naked eye at the moment. If anything, it's the very least they can get away with doing," according to Dunne.DesRoches believes that the Egyptians have probably been allowing London to use Egyptian airspace for bombing Houthi targets in Yemen. "Extrapolating, I'm confident that U.S. support, intelligence, and resupply flights are probably transiting Egyptian airspace," he told RS. "I have a slightly lower degree of confidence that the Egyptians share intelligence and the common operating picture from their various assets to locate missile tracks and launch sites. This is probably limited more by the lack of Egyptian capacity than by any policy decision to not cooperate." Ultimately, the U.S.-Egypt alliance remains strong. But Cairo must approach this relationship with more caution given Washington's role in Gaza's destruction and its growing isolation in the Arab-Islamic world.

"In Naval Warfare and Maritime Conflict in the Late Bronze and Early Iron Age Mediterranean, Jeffrey P. Emanuel examines the evidence for maritime violence in the Mediterranean region during both the Late Bronze Age and the tumultuous transition to the Early Iron Age in the years surrounding the turn of the 12th century BCE. There has traditionally been little differentiation between the methods of armed conflict engaged in during the Late Bronze and Early Iron Ages, on both the coasts and the open seas, while polities have been alternately characterized as legitimate martial actors and as state sponsors of piracy. By utilizing material, documentary, and iconographic evidence and delineating between the many forms of armed conflict, Emanuel provides an up-to-date assessment not only of the nature and frequency of warfare, raiding, piracy, and other forms of maritime conflict in the Late Bronze Age and Late Bronze-Early Iron Age transition, but also of the extent to which modern views about this activity remain the product of inference and speculation"--

Not Available ; India ranks third in global fish production with 6.4 million metric t, but mariculture in the Indian seas is yet to be popularised. The limited availability of protected sites and the probable conflicts with other activities such as fishing, tourism and navigation are factors likely to influence mariculture development in India, besides finance, technology, expertise and government policy. A pilot scale inshore marine cage culture experiment has been undertaken since 2007 at Visakhapatnam coast of India in the Bay of Bengal. A similar cage was launched at Munambam for the culture of Asian seabass Lates calcarifer. Asian seabass seed (3.5 ±1.5 g) reared in hapa installed in ponds for a period of 30 days were stocked in the cage and cultured for a period of 120 days and harvested at an average weight of 315.5 g. Analysis of nutrient levels in seawater near the cage, revealed no noticeable accumulation of solid particulate wastes indicating that water current (0.5 to 1.0 m sec-1) was adequate in the site to prevent accumulation of wastes in the cage as well as in the premises. The cage culture activity was found to influence the planktonic and benthic fauna. ; Not Available

Eutrophication is one of the most important anthropogenic pressures impacting coastal seas. In Europe, several legislations and management measures have been implemented to halt nutrient overloading in marine ecosystems. This study evaluates the impact of freshwater nutrient control measures on higher trophic levels (HTL) in European marine ecosystems following descriptors and criteria as defined by the Marine Strategy Framework Directive (MSFD). We used a novel pan-European marine modeling ensemble of fourteen HTL models, covering almost all the EU seas, under two nutrient management scenarios. Results from our projections suggest that the proposed nutrient reduction measures may not have a significant impact on the structure and function of European marine ecosystems. Among the assessed criteria, the spawning stock biomass of commercially important fish stocks and the biomass of small pelagic fishes would be the most impacted, albeit with values lower than 2.5%. For the other criteria/indicators, such as species diversity and trophic level indicators, the impact was lower. The Black Sea and the North-East Atlantic were the most negatively impacted regions, while the Baltic Sea was the only region showing signs of improvement. Coastal and shelf areas were more sensitive to environmental changes than large regional and sub-regional ecosystems that also include open seas. This is the first pan-European multi-model comparison study used to assess the impacts of land-based measures on marine and coastal European ecosystems through a set of selected ecological indicators. Since anthropogenic pressures are expanding apace in the marine environment and policy makers need to use rapid and effective policy measures for fast-changing environments, this modeling framework is an essential asset in supporting and guiding EU policy needs and decisions.

Alastair V. Campbell and the "why" of medical ethics / John McMillan -- Principlism, virtuism, and the spirit of oneness / Raanan Gillon -- Professional relationships : covenant, virtue, and clinical life / Grant Gillett -- Healthcare ethics and theology / Robin Gill -- In that (hard) case : could ordinary talk in clinical care have an extraordinary moral importance? / Roger Higgs -- Human tissue : a story from a small state / Margaret Brazier and Sheila McLean -- "Where our common language lies" : virtues, embodiment and faith in global bioethics / Michael Campbell and Jing-Bao Nie -- On the open seas : pluralism and bioethics in Europe / Richard Huxtable -- Healthcare ethics in New Zealand / Lynley Anderson and Nicola Peart -- Healthcare ethics education at the University of Otago and the master of bioethics and health law / Neil Pickering, Lynley Anderson and Peter Skegg -- Healthcare ethics in the UK / Gordon M. Stirrat and Julie Woodley -- Healthcare ethics education in Singapore / Anita Ho, Jacqueline Chin and Voo Teck Chuan -- The dead human body : reflections of an anatomist / D. Gareth Jones -- Ethics in research : an appraisal of Campbell's remarks / Ruth Macklin -- The republic of health : motivating the republican turn in public health / Richard Ashcroft.

This thesis investigates how governance and management relevant to the use and protection of the marine environment has emerged in Sweden from the 1960s until today. Focus is on how the modern environmental and nature conservation administration in Sweden developed the legal and organizational frameworks needed for proper management. More specifically – did the available tools suit the needs? The Swedish National Physical Planning system, initiated in the mid-1960s, pioneered the concept of ecology as basis for physical planning in Sweden. This introduced environmental considerations in societal planning, inter alia, through special national guidelines (geographical and for certain activities) for local authority planning. The National Physical Planning system strengthened the cooperation between local and regional (county) authorities and with central governmental bodies. With some delay, marine spatial planning became the instrument for coordinating and balancing competing demands on coastal and marine environments. Marine environmental governance and management are commonly linked to intergovernmental agreements, usually in the form of international conventions. Measures against pollution and other threats to the marine environment, as well as conservation of its natural resources and biodiversity, become more efficient when countries work together through global or regional organizations, rather than each country is acting on its own (Article I). However, it should be noted that in practice many intergovernmental agreements are less binding than first appears. While marine pollution began to be addressed and remedied in the 1980s, it was only in the 2000s that marine nature conservation and the establishment of marine protected areas began to receive increased attention and effective action (Article II). Marine nature conservation and fisheries often conflict, as the establishment of a marine protected area commonly involves a restriction on some ongoing fishing. Usually, such conflicts are related to differences in the objectives between marine protected areas established for environmental and fishery purposes, which often leads to strongly conflicting opinions on how to manage them (Articles II–III). Initial environmental and nature conservation efforts focused on measures against land, air and freshwater pollution, and the conservation of terrestrial environments. Excepting inner coastal areas, the open marine environment was not a focus of Swedish marine research although ecosystem research began early in the Baltic Sea. However, by the mid-1980s large-scale effects of pollution also on the open seas along the Swedish west coast, had become apparent and required environmental management actions (Article IV). ; At the time of the doctoral defense, the following paper was unpublished and had a status as follows: Paper 3: Submitted.

Greek immigration to the American continent as part of the general phenomenon of European migration reaches a peak between 1900 and 1917 encouraged by the American "open doors" migratory policy (1880-1917). The impressive migratory figure for that period (over 500,000 immigrants) included a substantial number of Greeks from Asia Minor an other territories under Turkish rule as a result from adverse circumstances prevailing in the Ottoman Empire, and especially because of the extension of Turkish military service after 1909 to Christian subjects. K. Th. Zafeiropoulos, a Greek islander from Mármara Sea, left Turky in 1914 for the United States, but chance did not help his plans. After a run of bad luck while being in Greece and Argentina he ended by emigrating to North Chile. The present article after choosing representative passages from Z.'s traveling journal -the trip from Constantinople to Piraeus, his stay in the above mentioned countries, his adventures as a sailor on merchant steamers, the difficult return to Europe, etc. provides mostly the historical frame where those events took place, but focusing the attention on some aspects which Spanish-speaking readers are usually not acquainted with. ; La emigración griega a Norteamérica, dentro del marco general de la emigración europea transatlántica, llega a su punto máximo entre 1900 y 1917, amparada por la polίtica estadounidense de las puertas abiertas (1880-1917). Las impresionantes cifras del período 1899-1924 (más de 500 mil emigrantes) revelan la presencia de un importante contingente de Asia Menor y de otros territorios, como consecuencia de las condiciones adversas en el Imperio Otomano para los súbditos cristianos, tales como la imposición del servicio militar turco a partir de 1909. K. Th. Zafeiropoulos, griego de una isla del Mar de Mármara, abandona Turquía en 1914 rumbo a Estados Unidos, pero el azar no se lo permite. Tras una serie de experiencias desfavorables tanto en Grecia como en Argentina termina emigrando al norte de Chile. El presente ...

"This book sheds light on how global warming has caused the ongoing environmental disaster in the Arctic, namely its melting. This development, if left unabated, will have a major negative environmental impact, not only on the Arctic itself, but on the entire planet, including the worsening of global warming and rising sea levels. The latter is a major threat to all island countries and all countries having coastlines with open seas with major environmental, social, economic, political and military/security implications. The Arctic melting is bringing about challenges while opening doors for certain opportunities. These are the accessibility of the region's large oil, gas and coal reserves and minerals, including rare earth elements. They are in demand both in the Arctic littoral states (Canada, Denmark/Greenland, Norway, Russia and USA) and the Greater Arctic countries (Iceland, Finland and Sweden) as well as in other parts of the world. In particular, major oil and gas importers (China, India, Japan and South Korea) are interested in the Arctic energy resources, the main non-regional countries with a capability to engage in the region. The obvious importance of the regional energy and mineral resources makes the division of the region among the regional countries crucial