Suchergebnisse

THERE'S A SPECTRUM OF INTENSITY OF EMPATHY RANGING FROM EXCESSIVE EMPATHY TO EXTREMELY NEGATIVE OR DIS-EMPATHY. EMPATHY FROM THE EXTREME POSITIVE OR NEGATIVE MAY SERVE VARIOUS FUNCTIONS IN DAILY LIVING AND PARTICULARLY IN POLITICS. VARIATIONS IN EMPATHY IN POLITICAL CONFLICT ARE DISCUSSED IN RELATION TO THE MIDDLE EAST AND THE INTERPERSONAL RELATIONS OF ISRAELIS. THERE ARE ADVANTAGES AS WELL AS DISADVANTAGES IN ALLOWING ONESELF TO EMPATHIZE, AS WELL AS TO WITHHOLD EMPATHY. IT'S CONCLUDED THAT IT WOULD BE OF VALUE FOR THE ISRAELIS, AS WELL AS NATIONS TO LOOK AT THEMSELVES IN REGARD TO SPECIAL REACTIONS TO EMPATHIZING WITH OTHERS.

AbstractWhile the economic approach to constitutions highlights their contribution to resolving conflict, recent work on the de jure–de facto distinction in relation to various constitutional rules suggests that political conflict and polarization could play a role in explaining the size and evolution of the gap between constitution text and constitutional practice. In this paper, we are interested in the relationship between the degree of conflict in the political arena within the state, captured by the polarization of the political landscape, as well as the underlying political polarization in society, and compliance of government actors with the country's constitution. Based on a number of theoretical arguments, we provide an empirical investigation for ca. 170 countries in the period 1975–2020, using the new Comparative Constitutional Compliance Database. Our results suggest that constitutional non-compliance is associated with more intense political polarization in society, but it does not seem to be correlated with polarization of the political landscape.

Ruth Breeze, Carmen Llamas Saíz (eds.), Metaphor in political conflict. Populism and discourse, Ediciones Universidad de Navarra (EUNSA), Pamplona, 2020, 212 p.

Violent conflict is very old in human society. The development of military technology brought with itself the worst tragedies loss of human live and material devastation in the second half of 20th century in the Horn of Africa. This region is one of the centers of various political violent conflicts in the world, according to length of these violent conflicts, the number of death of people, mainly civilian, refugees and internal displaced persons (IDP). This study elucidates the root causes of long wars in the Horn of Africa focusing mainly on South Sudan and Somalia. It also illustrates how the Super Powers during the Cold War helped their client states to prolong the suffering of people in the region. When Socialist system disappeared from Eastern Europe, Mengistu Haile Mariam's and Siyad Barre's regime ignominiously collapsed. In Ethiopia Amhara power elite, who ruled the Empire state from 1889 to 1991 lost their state power and Tigrian guerrilla fighters captured it through the power of the gun, Eritrea gained its independence from Ethiopia, South Sudan is emerging from long heinous war to independence. The violent conflict in Somalia transformed after the old regime demise in 1991 and the new leaders unable to build new central government. Somalia is fragmented and became the good example of failed state in the theory of contemporary political sociology. The paper tries to explain these complex violent conflicts in this part of Africa.

Despite the existence of a large amount of operationalized data on violent interstate conflict as one subset of political conflict, there are shortcomings in data on domestic and nonviolent conflict and growing inadequacies between the reality of political conflict and its conceptualization in quantitative conflict research. This is mainly due to fundamental changes in conflict patterns over the past few decades and an understandable fixation by researchers on violence as a central explanandum in conflict research. In response to these shortcomings, the authors propose an integrated and dynamic databank that contains nonviolent and violent as well as domestic and international political conflicts on a global scale between 1945 and 1998. The main hypothesis of the KOSIMO project states that the analysis of an integrated and dynamic databank of political conflict will lead to more accurate propositions about current and future trends of political conflict than conclusions drawn on the basis of databanks that contain exclusively violent conflicts.

Why and under what conditions the Roman Catholic Church gets involved in conflict, despite its efforts to remain neutral; 3 articles. Cites examples of involvement in Nicaragua, Costa Rica, the US trade unions, and Nothern Ireland.

The number of conflicts and deaths in Africa is rooted in the complex constructions and conjectures of Africa's political economies, weak institutions, social identities, and cultural ecologies, as configured by specific local, national, regional, and historical experiences. Using real-time data of violent and nonviolent events in Africa, this paper analyzes the most significant indicators. The paper finds that Gross Domestic Product, corruption, state legitimacy, ethnic fractionalization, political effectiveness, and polity are significant in modeling the likelihood of political instability. The paper concludes that African countries require reconfiguration of the public and social institutions without ignoring the human factor that accelerate polarization and aggravation. Any marginalized groups should feel economically empowered and in control of their resources. The existential benefit of strong political institutions cannot be underrated as a way to ensure smooth power transition and curb of greed, which is a motivator.

Until the early 1970s many scholars believed that the process of economic modernization would result in the decline of ethnic political activity throughout the world. This melting pot modernization perspective failed on both theoretical and empirical grounds. After its collapse, scholars promoted a new conflictual modernization approach, which argued that modernization brought previously isolated ethnic groups into conflict. Although this approach accounted for the origins of ethnic conflict, it relied too heavily on elite motivations and could not account for the behavior of ethnic political movements. In the last five years, scholars have tried to develop a psychological approach to ethnic conflict. These scholars see conflict as stemming from stereotyped perceptions of differences among ethnic groups. This approach fails to analyze the tangible group disparities that reinforce these identifications and that may serve as the actual catalysts for ethnic political conflict. The conflictual modernization approach is reinvigorated by applying it to the cases of ethnic conflict in Canada and Belgium. In both of these countries the twin processes of economic modernization and political centralization intensified ethnic conflict while stripping ethnic movements of the romantic cultural ideologies and institutional frameworks that could provide these movements with some long-term stability. Thus, by integrating the modernization approach with a resource mobilization perspective we can develop theories that can account for ethnic conflict throughout the world.

Youths remain central to political conflict and violence within the Zambian polity. This article discusses the nature, extent, causes and effects of politically motivated conflict and violence among Zambian youths. As part of a doctoral project, the study was conducted in Kalulushi constituency, one of the conflict hotspots in Zambia's Copperbelt region during the 2016 general elections. Using a convenience sampling method, 395 young people were surveyed, together with eight senior political leaders and 32 young party supporters purposely recruited from the Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD), Patriotic Front (PF) and United Party for National Development (UPND). The study highlighted increased political and electoral violence in 2019, with senior political leaders and young PF and UPND party supporters culpable in keeping the inter-party belligerence afloat. The research illustrates how Zambian youths' poor socioeconomic status predisposes them to being co-opted into political and electoral violence. More specifically, the disruptive effects of violence on communities, voters, ordinary citizens and its overall impediment to consolidating democracy are identified.

There are 2 basic but contradictory forces in Hadramaut society which come into conflict at times of major soc change. The 2 forces express themselves in 2 opposing 'camps'-one standing for the maintenance of the status quo & the other advocating change. In the Far East, ie in Singapore & Indonesia, the issue was the system of soc stratification as it operates in Hadrami Society. In the present controversy in Yemen, between those who support the Yemeni revolution & those who oppose it, the basic question is whether Hadrami society is to be transformed fundamentally or not. The Far Eastern conflict reached its climax just before WWII. Since then many changes have taken place & many Hadrami have returned home. In Hadramaut itself the old struggle is now being continued in a new situation, although neither of the 2 traditional camps has emerged. Yet the traditional cleavages still exist in the society & the struggle for power is still continuing. HA.