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Abstract The Working Paper provides the theoretical foundations for an analytically and normatively adequate understanding of "governance" – a term and concept that has been widely used since the turn of the millennium for describing new forms of political steering and integration. It starts with an overview of the governance discourse at the beginning of the 21st century. We can distinguish a normative and an analytical application of the term governance. In its normative usage, governance constitutes a programmatic alternative to other paradigms for organizing and reforming the state and public administration. The competing paradigms can be subsumed under the terms government and management. For analytical purposes, the term governance is used, by contrast, to diagnose a change in forms of political steering, and sometimes even in politics and statehood altogether and to aptly conceptualise this change. After a critique of existing understandings and typologies, we develop the theoretical building blocks for a comprehensive and at the same time differentiated understanding of governance. First, we look at 'worldviews' (Weltbilder), basic assumptions on how the world is functioning or on how the world is supposed to function. Hence, worldviews can correspond to ontologies, basic assumptions on the type of entities that exist and on their relationships, but also to ideologies as comprehensive conceptualisations of an ideal world. We distinguish between holistic and elementaristic worldviews. Second, we turn to "images of social order" (Gesellschaftsbilder) as the fundamental assumptions on how societies are differentiated and on what holds societies together and describe two basic forms: segmentary differentiation and mechanical integration on the one hand and functional differentiation and organic integration on the other hand. "Models of human nature" (Menschenbilder) serve as the third differentiation criteria for the formation of a theory-based typology of governance. Each model of human nature comprises a ...

The formation of a cross-border metropolitan region of Szczecin has passed the first stages, but it is still a long way to go. One of the reasons for a slow step-by-step-development is the "burden of history", meaning the new definition of the German-Polish border after World War II and the long-lasting charged relationship between the two countries. With the radical changes in Europe in 1989/90, Poland's entry into the EU in 2004, and the opening of the labor markets, this situation improved considerably. In fact, since these events the cross-border functional interrelations
(labor market, housing market, shopping, crafts and services, foreign direct investments) have prospered. Similarly, the development of institutional arrangements shows progress. Within this process, however, realizing concrete projects in the local and regional context is much easier than the coordination of interests
on the large scale of states and nations. An important step in the development process of an institutionally stipulated cross-border
metropolitan region occurred in 2010, when different local and regional actors on the Polish side joined for a metropolitan initiative.

This volume brings together a collection of essays analysing the current scenario in South and Southeast Asia with respect to the position of minority groups. Based on an in-depth investigation of some of the lasting minority-majority conflicts of the post-colonial period in countries that often escape comparison, the articles are a rich and critical exposition of the social, economic, cultural and political dimensions of these struggles. The central question being addressed is that of community rights in the modern nation-state and how these are being understood by the two concerned parties and, where and when, thereof, a situation of conflict arose.

Статья посвящена содержанию, доктрине и технологиям политического управления в условиях современных мировых рисков и вызовов, которые существенно воздействуют на Российское государство и российское общество. В постановочном плане разрабатывается принцип социальности как стержень сущностно-функциональной этики политического управления с учетом потребностей граждан в гуманистичном и гуманитарном патронаже со стороны государства. Акцентируется необходимость доктринальной и технологической этнокультурной органики социальной сущностно-функциональной этики политического управления применительно к проблемам, противоречиям сообществ Северо-Кавказского федерального округа с учетом «северокавказского имагинарного» и предлагаются некоторые рекомендации.

International audience ; This study on organizational change begins with the idea that globalization and the development of the new information and communication technologies (ICTs) have favoured the structural convergence of organizations, resulting in the hegemonic dominance of business values and practices in virtually all types of organizations, notably political parties and public or semi-public organizations. So far, very few scholars have tried to make this convergence between business organization paradigms and those present in other types of organizations, notably political parties, semi-public bodies and non-governmental organizations (NGOs), explicit, with the notable exception of Max Weber, who pointed out in his 1925 book Economy and Society the continuities of structure and practice deriving from the bureaucratic form present within all large-scale organizations (Weber, 1978), and Robert Michels, who highlighted in 1911, through his theory of the 'Iron law of oligarchy', the process of bureaucratization of political parties (Michels, 1915).

International audience ; This study on organizational change begins with the idea that globalization and the development of the new information and communication technologies (ICTs) have favoured the structural convergence of organizations, resulting in the hegemonic dominance of business values and practices in virtually all types of organizations, notably political parties and public or semi-public organizations. So far, very few scholars have tried to make this convergence between business organization paradigms and those present in other types of organizations, notably political parties, semi-public bodies and non-governmental organizations (NGOs), explicit, with the notable exception of Max Weber, who pointed out in his 1925 book Economy and Society the continuities of structure and practice deriving from the bureaucratic form present within all large-scale organizations (Weber, 1978), and Robert Michels, who highlighted in 1911, through his theory of the 'Iron law of oligarchy', the process of bureaucratization of political parties (Michels, 1915).

This article examines the phenomenon of increased political pressures on governments in four Westminster systems (Australia, Britain, Canada, and New Zealand) derived from changes in mass media and communications, increased transparency, expanded audit, increased competition in the political marketplace, and political polarization in the electorate. These pressures raise the risk to impartial public administration and management performance to the extent that governments integrate governance and campaigning, allow political staff to be a separate force in governance, politicize top public service posts, and expect public servants to be promiscuously partisan. The article concludes that New Zealand is best positioned to cope with these risks, in part because of its process for independently staffing its top public service posts. The article recommends this approach as well as the establishment of independently appointed management boards for public service departments and agencies to perform the governance of management function.

The topic under consideration is still in the orbit of the domestic discussion of political scientists and specialists in Government Relations (GR). And there is no agreement among them yet regarding the subject field of the discipline being studied. Opinions differ, referring GR to applied political science, sociology of communications, or corporate management. This article analyzes the problems of defining the subject of GR-management as an applied political science discipline, as well as its categorical apparatus. The peculiarity of GR as a type of political management is that the goal-setting unit of the activities of GR managers and corporate lobbyists is located in an "internal" and "non-political" environment (economic, social, etc.), which may be associated with maintaining the competitiveness of the firm and obtaining economic profit by it. But the means to achieve these goals are already located in the "external" socio-political environment, in which the field of political behavior of interested actors is formed. And here we are faced with the phenomenon of "inversion" of the particular interests represented in public policy, when in order to promote them it is necessary to convert the goals of the economic strategy into adequate private issues when building a common public agenda, and into specific tasks of the strategy and tactics of an already special GR campaign.

This study examines the relationship between political governance and extractive industry performance in Nigeria. It tends to know the contributions of political governance structures in the Nigerian extractive economy sector and whether the political sector has been able to achieve effective regulatory framework leading to revenue transparency which is the key factor in the attainment of sustainable development. In carrying out this research we made use of secondary data, mostly, the relevant literatures on the subject matter. Descriptive analytical approach was employed, while structural functionalism approach was adopted as the framework of analysis. The study revealed among other things that weak political institutions to undertake effective checks and balances and the virtual absence of regulatory framework created opportunistic gaps for predatory elites to institutionalized corruption in the oil extractive industry. The end result is loss of revenue, deep poverty and poor standard of living. Based on this, the paper recommended amongst others, the development of effective framework for transparency and accountability through strengthening of political governance, effective implementations of the Nigerian Extractive Industry Transparency Initiative (NEITI) Act of 2007, and fundamental restructuring of the Nigerian political and administrative structure and socialization of the social mode of production. DOI:10.5901/mjss.2015.v6n2s1p596

This study investigates the influence of service, political, governance, and financial characteristics on municipalities' choices of four service delivery modes (in-house, inter-municipal cooperation, municipality-owned firm, and private firm) in the Dutch local government setting. The results show that as a service involves more asset specificity and more measurement difficulty, the likelihood that municipalities contract this service out is lower. Also, although some differences in preferences are found between boards of aldermen and municipal councils, for both political bodies a more right-wing political orientation is shown to be positively related to privatization of services. Furthermore, contracting out is also shown to be related to the governance model of municipalities, as services of municipalities that (in general) put relatively less emphasis on input, process, and output performance indicators, and more on outcome performance indicators, are more likely to be privatized. Finally, the results also show that services of municipalities that have a better financial position are less likely to be contracted out to a private firm.

How "New Political Governance" has led to the erosion of the impartial public service and the undermining of democratic governance.