Suchergebnisse

Heightened economic interdependence in recent years is commonly argued to have generated great pressures for convergence in economic policies across the advanced industrial democracies. Interdependence has clearly had a great impact on the types of economic policies that governments can pursue: they have been unable to pursue independent fiscal and monetary policies since the mid-1970s. Furthermore, all governments have been forced to attempt to promote the competitiveness of national goods and services in world markets and to increase the speed and efficiency with which national producers adjust to changes in global markets. There are, however, different policies consistent with these goals. Statistical analyses of economic policies since the mid-1970s show that governments of the left and the right continue to be able to enact distinctive supply-side policies that promote competitiveness and flexible adjustment and simultaneously further their partisan objectives.

Research recently published in Political Psychology suggested that political intolerance is more strongly predicted by political conservatism than liberalism. Our findings challenge that conclusion. Participants provided intolerance judgments of several targets and the political objective of these targets (left‐wing vs. right‐wing) was varied between subjects. Across seven judgments, conservatism predicted intolerance of left‐wing targets, while liberalism predicted intolerance of right‐wing targets. These relationships were fully mediated by perceived threat from targets. Moreover, participants were biased against directly opposing political targets: conservatives were more intolerant of a left‐wing target than the opposing right‐wing target (e.g., pro‐gay vs. anti‐gay rights activists), while liberals were more intolerant of a right‐wing target than the opposing left‐wing target. These findings are discussed within the context of the existing political intolerance and motivated reasoning literatures.

Master's thesis analyzes the traditional political ideologies formation of evolution and it's distribution of the Left and the Right of the spectrum. Also discusses the ideological situation in Lithuania and causes of its. Much attention is paid to the distribution of political Left and the Right in Lithuania had determined Lithuanian Reform Movement (TS - LK) and the Lithuanian Communist Party (LLDP later LSDP) which were the main basis of Lithuanian Party System formation. In the thesis there is presented the changes of ideological values of these parties, which took place on statehood recovery times to the present. Also analyzes the formation of Party system in Lithuania.

Master's thesis analyzes the traditional political ideologies formation of evolution and it's distribution of the Left and the Right of the spectrum. Also discusses the ideological situation in Lithuania and causes of its. Much attention is paid to the distribution of political Left and the Right in Lithuania had determined Lithuanian Reform Movement (TS - LK) and the Lithuanian Communist Party (LLDP later LSDP) which were the main basis of Lithuanian Party System formation. In the thesis there is presented the changes of ideological values of these parties, which took place on statehood recovery times to the present. Also analyzes the formation of Party system in Lithuania.

Since the fall of communism far-left parties have begun a long process of change, which has transformed their position in the European political systems. Indeed, far-left parties are now important actors in most of the E.U. However, they present different characteristics than in the past. Communist parties have almost disappeared from parliamentary arenas, and, in many countries, new forms of far-left parties have emerged (i.e. social-populist and populist-socialist parties). The aim of this article is to describe the ideological framework of far-left parties in Europe. More specifically, it aims to examine both the demand-side and supply-side factors on which scholars focused in the attempt to explain the birth of these parties and the interactions that led to the development of specific forms of far-left parties. This article concludes with an analysis of three national cases, namely Spain, Portugal and Italy. The three countries belong to a similar context characterised by a profound economic crisis. However, despite many common features, in the three cases different forms of far-left parties have developed.

A certain version of the political left is at one with conservatives in misrepresenting 'postmodernism' in order to denounce it. For this 'left', which recoils from the left's historically indivisible association with Marx, the purpose of politics is simply to win government for itself. Our argument here is that, ironically, such a purpose mirrors the very lack of purpose that conservatives define 'postmodernism' to represent. Hence the recent call by Clive Hamilton for the left to turn to the churches for moral guidance, in the absence of any meaningful political convictions.

Many commentaries and analyses of the Old Left and the New Left have either ignored the differences in their social and political protest or have suggested that such differences were not important. The purpose of this essay is to examine the distinctive form, style, and structure of protest in both the Old Left and the New Left. The paper uses Karl Mannheim's concepts of "generational unit" and "entelechy" to examine protest in the Old Left and the New Left. It examines the consciousness of the Old Left and the New Left in the distinctive forms of their political demonstrations, theatrical presentations, and use of music.

The Left has been charged with a lack of self-reflection and self-criticism. This article aims to address this concern through a demarcation of liberal-left values from illiberal pursuits in an attempt to reclaim (or reform) the Left to provide a genuine political opposition to the Right. Drawing together diverse perspectives, and extrapolating from direct quotations and research, four markers of extremism are identified. These markers relate to ideas of equity, culture, free speech and identity. It is hoped readers see this critique as a useful contribution in a crucial conversation on the values we want to preference in our society, a conversation we need to continue.

From a left-libertarian perspective, it seems almost impossible for states to acquire political authority. For that reason, left-libertarians like Peter Vallentyne understandably hope that states without political authority could nonetheless implement left-libertarian justice. Vallentyne has argued that one can indeed assess a state's justness without assessing its political authority. Against Vallentyne, I try to show that states without political authority have to be judged unjust even if they successfully promote justice. The reason is that institutions can be unjust independently from what they achieve or do: they can be 'intrinsically unjust'. Institutions, I argue, are intrinsically unjust when they have legal liberties and powers without having the corresponding moral liberties and powers. States without political authority are intrinsically unjust in that sense. Hence the issues of a state's justness and a state's political authority cannot be dealt with separately. This is a problem not only for left-libertarians but for 'philosophical anarchism' more generally.

Left Coast Political Ecology (LCPE) is a network of undergraduate and graduate students, postdoctoral scholars and faculty engaged in a collective practice of political ecology grounded in strong connection to the "Left Coast" of North America. In this manifesto, we build on successful 2015 and 2018 workshops on the practice and value of political ecology today to communicate our origins, efforts, and ideas towards building a community of praxis amid the urgencies and uncertainties of our time. We first articulate those organizing and theoretical lineages that influence and inform our work. We trace the evolution of LCPE through diverse genealogies and cross-pollinations – from the "Berkeley School" to Black, Indigenous, feminist, and decolonial studies, through political struggles within and beyond the academy. In grappling with the challenges of our institutional histories of settler-colonial, capitalist, and racist dispossession, we then propose a "coastal epistemology", one that troubles the notion of a settler-colonial or neoliberal "frontier" while finding value in encounter, conversation, and emergence. We seek to make transparent our positions of relative privilege as well as the precarious contexts in which we work and live, while mobilizing and embodying political ecology's long-standing normative and liberatory aims. Next we share some of the diverse methodological approaches employed by our members and collective, with the aim of providing inspiration and solidarity to others contending with similar challenges. Ultimately, we suggest a vision for what a political ecology adequate to our moment might look like and require: a necessarily collective and hopeful project, amid processes of colonial violence, capitalist inequity, and climate catastrophe. The Left Coast Political Ecology network invites you to dream and organize with us, to share resources, experiences, and community, and to help push our field and our institutions toward more socially just and ecologically sustainable futures.Keywords: Coastal epistemology, Left Coast, network, radical geography, praxis, West Coast

Tracing the history of left-wing, subversive and oppositional forces in the People's Republic of China over the last seventy years, Ralf Ruckus pulls back the curtain on Chinese politics.He looks at the labour strikes in the 1950s, the rebel uprising during the Cultural Revolution in the 1960s, the democracy movements in the 1970s and 1980s, the struggles of urban and migrant workers since the 1990s and 2000s, and women's forms of resistance until today. Each of these struggles inspired left-wing groups and movements that criticised or challenged the regime of the Chinese Communist Party, from Mao Zedong's rule to the regime under Xi Jinping.Is the country still socialist today, the Chinese Communist Party a left-wing organisation, and the leadership indeed Marxist? The book sorts out the confusion by presenting the fascinating history of social movements and left politics in the People's Republic up to the present day

THE PRESENT ESSAY HAS A DOUBLE OBJECTIVE. FIRST, AND MOST IMPORTANT, IT INTENDS TO ANSWER THE QUESTIONS THAT ARE IMPLICIT IN ITS TITLE, WITHIN THE CONTEXT OF THE POST-WORLD WAR II SITUATION AND CONFINED MAINLY TO NORTH AMERICA, WESTERN AND EASTERN EUROPE AND THE USSR. WHAT KIND OF RELATIONSHIP EXISTS, IF ANY AT ALL, BETWEEN THE POLITICAL FORCES IN THE "WEST" AND THE "EAST" THAT CAN BE CALLED, AND CALL THEMSELVES, LEFTIST? IS THIS RELATIONSHIP CHARACTERIZED BY A RECIPROCAL SOLIDARITY OR, ON THE CONTRARY, BY A LACK OF COMPREHENSION FOR EACH OTHER'S RESPECTIVE VALUES, INTERESTS, AND STRATEGIES? DOES IT HAVE A POLITICAL IMPORTANCE OF ANY KIND THAT A DIALOGUE SHOULD EXIST? THE REPLIES TO ALL THESE QUESTIONS SEEM TO BE SELF-EVIDENT. ONE OF THE AUTHORS PRIMARY GOALS THEN IS TO SHOW THAT THIS IS BY NO MEANS THE CASE. MOREOVER, IT IS THE AUTHORS' CONVICTION, A CONVICTION THAT SHAPES THE METHOD OF THE PRESENT STUDY, THAT THERE IS NO GENERAL ANSWER TO THESE QUESTIONS. BOTH THE WAY IN WHICH THEY ARE RAISED AND THE ANSWERS SUPPLIED VARY FROM PERIOD TO PERIOD IN A HECTIC POSTWAR HISTORY.