Suchergebnisse

Against the background of neoliberal and globally organized social work, the presentation discusses the very first results of the international research project on cross-border child protection and disability rights in transnational settings (EUR&QUA). According to international Conventions (UNCRC, 1990; UNCRPD, 2006), States parties shall ensure the full realization of all human rights and fundamental freedoms for all children. Such imperatives seem to contradict neoliberal social policy, which is primarily oriented towards marketisation, austerity, and individualisation of social problems (Cummins, 2018). Actually, our research suggests that crossing borders often means breaking off helping relations and absence of professional exchange between care providers. A return to the original life context desired by the clients seems unfeasible. Therefore, we plead for social workers to acquire global, and cross-border competences in this field. Social work needs Machiavellian competences (Kusiak, 2018), which consist of critically illuminating a dominant ideology, conducting research, and acquiring strategic knowledge.

The Soviet Union created a unique form of urban modernity, developing institutions of social provisioning for hundreds of millions of people in small and medium-sized industrial cities spread across a vast territory. After the collapse of socialism these institutions were profoundly shaken--casualties, in the eyes of many observers, of market-oriented reforms associated with neoliberalism and the Washington Consensus. In Post-Soviet Social, Stephen Collier examines reform in Russia beyond the Washington Consensus. He turns attention from the noisy battles over stabilization and privatization during the 1990s to subsequent reforms that grapple with the mundane details of pipes, wires, bureaucratic routines, and budgetary formulas that made up the Soviet social state. Drawing on Michel Foucault's lectures from the late 1970s, Post-Soviet Social uses the Russian case to examine neoliberalism as a central form of political rationality in contemporary societies. The book's basic finding--that neoliberal reforms provide a justification for redistribution and social welfare, and may work to preserve the norms and forms of social modernity--lays the groundwork for a critical revision of conventional understandings of these topics.

This essay addresses the impact of globalization and neoliberalism on post-colonial countries such as South Africa. We analyze the historical background and contemporary nature of the current stage of global economic expansion, considered by many critical observers to be the latest stage of capitalist imperialism. This analysis connects many of the challenges faced by post-apartheid South Africa to the international economic and political relations that have shaped the development of the peripheral economies in the contemporary global economic system.

Neoliberal ideology has enjoyed tremendous success over the past thirty-five years by discursively suppressing structural dissent among working and middle class citizens of industrialized countries. The general decline in economic conditions faced by contemporary workers, coupled with the 2008 global financial crisis, forced neoliberal advocates to become more aggressive in their defense of prevailing structural policies and precepts. The suppression of public dissent and the related implementation of austerity measures are frequently justified by a discourse of crisis. In this article and using the methodological as well as theoretical tools afforded by Systemic Functional Linguistics (SFL), we trace the rise of this discourse within universities as a mechanism to justify attacks on academic freedom, collegial governance, and democratic discourse. We also offer a SFL-inspired tool that critical language educators might employ to counter the neoliberal attack on universities as sites of democratic dialogue and debate.

¿How does the Latin American right wing act under left wing governments in recent decades? A response is given using the Ecuadorian case under President Rafael Correa. The contemporary Latin American right wing mainly represents a socio-economic reality of privileged sectors and ideologically comes from neoliberal economic policies. The Ecuadorian right wing in this period channeled its political action through new and old electoral instruments as well as non-electoral ones, while it also looked to moderate and modernize its discourse. After the victory of Correa in 2007, it looked to reorganize itself and fight for local electoral victories, and afterwards, taking advantage of a process of wear of the Correa government and of an economic crisis in the middle of 2010, it mobilized in the streets and returned to fight the new presidential election. That was not enough and the Alianza País movement of Correa went to win again the presidency in 2017 with a new candidate. ; ¿Cómo actúa la derecha latinoamericana bajo gobiernos de izquierda post-neoliberal de décadas recientes? Se responde aquello usando el caso ecuatoriano bajo el presidente Rafael Correa. La derecha latinoamericana contemporánea principalmente representa una realidad socio-económica de sectores privilegiados e ideológicamente parte desde las políticas económicas neoliberales. La derecha ecuatoriana en este periodo canalizó su acción política a través de nuevos y viejos instrumentos electorales y también con repertorios no electorales, al mismo tiempo que buscó moderar y actualizar su discurso. Después de la victoria de Correa en 2007, esta buscó reorganizarse y ganar contiendas electorales locales, para después aprovechar el desgaste del gobierno de Correa y la crisis económica de mitad de los 2010 para movilizarse en las calles y volver a luchar en las elecciones presidenciales. Aquello fue insuficiente por lo cual el movimiento Alianza País de Correa volvió a ganar la presidencia en el 2017 con un nuevo candidato.