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AbstractHow might divorce mediation evolve into reconciliation?

Peace initiative of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan; implementation since Jan. 1987.

This critical discourse analysis of welfare workers' responses to reconciliation demonstrates the ways in which language operates to maintain Indigenous people's disenfranchisement and oppression within the Australian polity. It cautions against welfare personnel assuming more liberation within their ranks than found within general society.

AbstractWhile it is often assumed that reconciliation culminates in the comprehensive resolution of conflict between deeply alienated parties, the article argues that reconciliation can only be achieved through complex mechanisms of estrangement that reveal alternative vistas or collective renewal. Art performs an important role in this process. The article theorizes estrangement as both an artistic and a political technique that can have world-disclosing, rather than alienating, effects on its audience: what Svetlana Boym calls estrangement for, rather than from, the world. I tease out the implications of this insight by examining the South African theater pieceUbu and the Truth Commission, which employs a number of estrangements devices in order to problematize the ambiguities and uncertainties of the post-Apartheid transition period. By subverting audience identification, yet triggering emotional contagion, the play imaginatively opens up the possibility of a common world in which agonistic relations are productively negotiated, rather than fully suppressed.

In Syria's Reconciliation Agreements, Raymond Hinnebusch and Omar Imady explore how the regime and the opposition interacted with the evolving idea of musalahat or 'reconciliations'. At first, when neither side could unseat the other, these reconciliations were in essence, truces which reflected the war of attrition. As the regime grew stronger, largely after the Russian intervention, the musalahat evolved into several more advanced types, all designed to break the rebels, yet significantly different in the extent to which the regime was willing to agree to a more balanced arrangement. Hinnebusch and Imady proceed to examine the more recent, and internationally sanctioned, 'deconfliction zones' and show how they are similar, and different, from previous arrangements. The critical trademark of all of this, from a governance perspective, is the fact that all these arrangements entail, in various degrees, the decentralisation of government authority. The paper ends with the ironic conclusion that the Syria that may emerge from all this extensive decentralisation may resemble in certain ways the very Syria the protesters back in 2011 were advocating.

On Monday, March 6, 2017, students from Glebe Collegiate organized a demonstration on the steps of Parliament Hill in Ottawa, Ontario. The students called on the Prime Minister and other elected officials to treat Indigenous peoples with dignity and respect and to immediately cease discriminatory practices. The students named this event Youth and Reconciliation. Erin Samant and Daxton Rhead helped organize and lead Youth and Reconciliation. What follows is a transcript of their statements to fellow students, allies, Members of Parliament, and Indigenous organizations that were present during the event.

In Syria's Reconciliation Agreements, Raymond Hinnebusch and Omar Imady explore how the regime and the opposition interacted with the evolving idea of musalahat or 'reconciliations'. At first, when neither side could unseat the other, these reconciliations were in essence, truces which reflected the war of attrition. As the regime grew stronger, largely after the Russian intervention, the musalahat evolved into several more advanced types, all designed to break the rebels, yet significantly different in the extent to which the regime was willing to agree to a more balanced arrangement. Hinnebusch and Imady proceed to examine the more recent, and internationally sanctioned, 'deconfliction zones' and show how they are similar, and different, from previous arrangements. The critical trademark of all of this, from a governance perspective, is the fact that all these arrangements entail, in various degrees, the decentralisation of government authority. The paper ends with the ironic conclusion that the Syria that may emerge from all this extensive decentralisation may resemble in certain ways the very Syria the protesters back in 2011 were advocating. ; Publisher PDF

In Syria's Reconciliation Agreements, Raymond Hinnebusch and Omar Imady explore how the regime and the opposition interacted with the evolving idea of musalahat or 'reconciliations'. At first, when neither side could unseat the other, these reconciliations were in essence, truces which reflected the war of attrition. As the regime grew stronger, largely after the Russian intervention, the musalahat evolved into several more advanced types, all designed to break the rebels, yet significantly different in the extent to which the regime was willing to agree to a more balanced arrangement. Hinnebusch and Imady proceed to examine the more recent, and internationally sanctioned, 'deconfliction zones' and show how they are similar, and different, from previous arrangements. The critical trademark of all of this, from a governance perspective, is the fact that all these arrangements entail, in various degrees, the decentralisation of government authority. The paper ends with the ironic conclusion that the Syria that may emerge from all this extensive decentralisation may resemble in certain ways the very Syria the protesters back in 2011 were advocating. ; Publisher PDF ; Peer reviewed

Reconciliation efforts have become an almost routine element of post-conflict peace building. From a scientific point of view, tools are needed to enable systematic studies of reconciliation. In this article, a structured method for studying national reconciliation initiatives is suggested, focusing on public statements and behaviors of those in power. The aim is to contribute to the development of systematic research in the field by designing a structured method to measure if, when, and what kind of reconciliation initiatives promote durable peace and if and when they instead might be an obstacle to peace building. Two widely used sources in peace and conflict research were used for coding: the Regional Survey of the World and the Africa Research Bulletin. The analytical framework, built on Galtung's well-known conflict triangle and applied to Rwanda and Mozambique, proves to be useful for structuring the analysis of reconciliation at this level. In addition, three hypotheses on reconciliation are generated, which would benefit from further research. Adapted from the source document.

This contribution describes the speaker's experiences working with World Vision International (WVI). It demonstrates the power of cooperative efforts in the partnership between WVI, the World Health Organization (WHO), World Food Programme (WFP), and the International Federation of the Red Cross and Red Crescent (IFRC), along with localized NGOs. Through the relation of poignant anecdotes from the speaker's background, it demonstrates the potential for strategic alliances to build mutually supportive relationships between agencies. The contribution asserts that through the cooperation and coordination of international humanitarian organizations and NGOs, it will be possible to make the mechanisms for aid distribution at the local level operational. Finally, the article calls for a revitalized effort to develop new ways to lay the foundation for humanitarian partnerships and reconciliation of suffering and alienated populations. W. A. Butler