Este artículo se ocupa de la relación entre análisis histórico e ideología en la izquierda republicana de entreguerras, y más concretamente del caso de Álvaro de Albornoz. Partiendo de la idea de que historia y política eran dos realidades interconectadas, este texto analiza la relación entre una interpretación particular de la historia del liberalismo en la España contemporánea y el concepto de democracia como proceso revolucionario. Para esta tarea se ha estudiado la biografía política y la producción intelectual Álvaro de Albornoz, que además de haber sido uno de los principales líderes del Partido Radical-Socialista durante el primer bienio de la Segunda República, fue también un personaje especialmente significativo de una determinada cultura política dentro del complejo mundo del republicanismo de ese momento. ; This article deals with the relationship between historic analysis and ideology in the republican left-wing between the wars, and in particular the case of Álvaro de Albornoz. Based on the premise that history and politics were inter-connected, this text analyses the relationship between one particular interpretation of the history of liberalism in contemporary Spain and the concept of democracy as a revolutionary process. To this end, a study has been conducted into the political biography and intellectual output of Álvaro de Apart from being one of the main leaders of the Radical-Socialist Party during the first two years of the Second Republic, he was also an especially significant character of a certain political culture within the complex world of the republican movement of the time.
El objetivo primordial de este arti?culo es presentar la relacio?n existente entre las categori?as principales de la teori?a democra?tica del Coto Vedado y las restricciones juri?dicas establecidas constitucional y legalmente al derecho poli?tico de consulta popular en Me?xico, especi?ficamente se analizan dos de las restricciones: los derechos humanos y la voluntad republicana. Esta u?ltima considerando dos elementos: la voluntad del pueblo y el cara?cter republicano, como dos de los principios incluidos en el arti?culo 40 de la Constitucio?n Poli?tica de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos. Los resultados fueron obtenidos mediante el ana?lisis de las categori?as y constructos que integran, por un lado, la teori?a mencionada, y por otro lado, las limitaciones establecidas para el derecho a la consulta popular, lo anterior para determinar la cualidad de democra?tica de dicha consulta con base en el respeto o infraccio?n a los li?mites prohibidos derivados de la naturaleza de las restricciones juri?dicas que le fueron impuestas juri?dicamente. En este estudio se encontro? que los derechos humanos y la voluntad republicana son sustancialmente li?mites prohibidos, ya que de existir la posibilidad de que sean sometidos a la negociacio?n y al disenso, se puede poner en riesgo la pauta de correccio?n moral que la democracia debe proteger. Palabras clave: Coto vedado, Democracia, Consulta popular, Derechos humanos, Voluntad republicana. Abstract The primary objective of this article is to present the relation between the main categories of democratic theory of prohibited limits and legal restrictions established constitutionally and legally to the political right of referendum in Mexico, specifically two constraints are discussed: human rights and the Republican voice. The second one is considering two elements: the will of the people and the republican character, as two of the main principles contained in Article 40 of the Constitution of the United Mexican States. The results were obtained by analyzing the categories and constructs comprising, on the one hand, the theory mentioned, and on the other hand, the limits for the right to referendum, the first one to determine the quality of democratic of such consultation based on respect or violation of the prohibited limits resulting from the nature of the legal restrictions that were imposed in a juridical way. In this study we found that human rights and the republican voice (mind), are substantially prohibited limits, since the possibility exists that they are subject to negotiation and dissent, it can put under risk the pattern of moral correctness that democracy must protect. Keywords: Prohibited limits, Democracy, Referendum, Human rights, Republican mind. Resumo O objetivo principal desse artigo e? apresentar a relac?a?o existente entre as categorias principais da teoria democra?tica do "Coto Vedado" e as restric?o?es juri?dicas estabelecidas constitucional e legalmente ao direito poli?tico de consulta popular no Me?xico. Especificamente, se analisam duas dessas restric?o?es: os direitos humanos e a vontade republicana. Esta u?ltima considerando dois elementos: a vontade do povo e o cara?ter republicano, como dois dos princi?pios inclui?dos no artigo 40 da Constituic?a?o Poli?tica dos Estados Unidos Mexicanos. Os resultados foram obtidos mediante a ana?lise das categorias e construc?o?es que integram, por um lado, a teoria mencionada, e por outro lado, as limitac?o?es estabelecidas para o direito a? consulta popular; e o anterior para determinar a qualidade democra?tica de tal consulta com base no respeito ou infrac?a?o aos limites proibidos derivados da natureza das restric?o?es juri?dicas que foram impostas juridicamente. Neste estudo, os direitos humanos e a vontade republicana sa?o substancialmente limites proibidos, ja? que existindo a possibilidade de que sejam submetidos a? negociac?a?o e ao dissenso, pode-se colocar em risco a pauta de correc?a?o moral que a democracia deve proteger. Palavras chave: Limites proibitivos, Democracia, Referendum, Direitos humanos, Vontade republicana. ; El objetivo primordial de este arti?culo es presentar la relacio?n existente entre las categori?as principales de la teori?a democra?tica del Coto Vedado y las restricciones juri?dicas establecidas constitucional y legalmente al derecho poli?tico de consulta popular en Me?xico, especi?ficamente se analizan dos de las restricciones: los derechos humanos y la voluntad republicana. Esta u?ltima considerando dos elementos: la voluntad del pueblo y el cara?cter republicano, como dos de los principios incluidos en el arti?culo 40 de la Constitucio?n Poli?tica de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos. Los resultados fueron obtenidos mediante el ana?lisis de las categori?as y constructos que integran, por un lado, la teori?a mencionada, y por otro lado, las limitaciones establecidas para el derecho a la consulta popular, lo anterior para determinar la cualidad de democra?tica de dicha consulta con base en el respeto o infraccio?n a los li?mites prohibidos derivados de la naturaleza de las restricciones juri?dicas que le fueron impuestas juri?dicamente. En este estudio se encontro? que los derechos humanos y la voluntad republicana son sustancialmente li?mites prohibidos, ya que de existir la posibilidad de que sean sometidos a la negociacio?n y al disenso, se puede poner en riesgo la pauta de correccio?n moral que la democracia debe proteger. Palabras clave: Coto vedado, Democracia, Consulta popular, Derechos humanos, Voluntad republicana. Abstract The primary objective of this article is to present the relation between the main categories of democratic theory of prohibited limits and legal restrictions established constitutionally and legally to the political right of referendum in Mexico, specifically two constraints are discussed: human rights and the Republican voice. The second one is considering two elements: the will of the people and the republican character, as two of the main principles contained in Article 40 of the Constitution of the United Mexican States. The results were obtained by analyzing the categories and constructs comprising, on the one hand, the theory mentioned, and on the other hand, the limits for the right to referendum, the first one to determine the quality of democratic of such consultation based on respect or violation of the prohibited limits resulting from the nature of the legal restrictions that were imposed in a juridical way. In this study we found that human rights and the republican voice (mind), are substantially prohibited limits, since the possibility exists that they are subject to negotiation and dissent, it can put under risk the pattern of moral correctness that democracy must protect. Keywords: Prohibited limits, Democracy, Referendum, Human rights, Republican mind. Resumo O objetivo principal desse artigo e? apresentar a relac?a?o existente entre as categorias principais da teoria democra?tica do "Coto Vedado" e as restric?o?es juri?dicas estabelecidas constitucional e legalmente ao direito poli?tico de consulta popular no Me?xico. Especificamente, se analisam duas dessas restric?o?es: os direitos humanos e a vontade republicana. Esta u?ltima considerando dois elementos: a vontade do povo e o cara?ter republicano, como dois dos princi?pios inclui?dos no artigo 40 da Constituic?a?o Poli?tica dos Estados Unidos Mexicanos. Os resultados foram obtidos mediante a ana?lise das categorias e construc?o?es que integram, por um lado, a teoria mencionada, e por outro lado, as limitac?o?es estabelecidas para o direito a? consulta popular; e o anterior para determinar a qualidade democra?tica de tal consulta com base no respeito ou infrac?a?o aos limites proibidos derivados da natureza das restric?o?es juri?dicas que foram impostas juridicamente. Neste estudo, os direitos humanos e a vontade republicana sa?o substancialmente limites proibidos, ja? que existindo a possibilidade de que sejam submetidos a? negociac?a?o e ao dissenso, pode-se colocar em risco a pauta de correc?a?o moral que a democracia deve proteger. Palavras chave: Limites proibitivos, Democracia, Referendum, Direitos humanos, Vontade republicana.
Durante la Guerra Civil Española (1936-1938), grandes masas de población abandonaron su hogar con el objetivo de evitar acciones represivas de carácter político. Gran parte de los refugiados fueron redistribuidos entre las diferentes localidades de la retaguardia republicana. El presente trabajo se centra en el devenir de las más de 20.000 personas que fueron reubicadas a lo largo y ancho de la provincia de Castellón de la Plana y se propone resolver las siguientes incógnitas ¿Cuáles fueron sus principales zonas de procedencia? ¿Qué medios de transporte usaron? ¿Cómo fueron repartidos entre las diferentes localidades? ¿Qué instituciones se hicieron cargo de su gestión? ¿En qué condiciones fueron acogidos? ¿Hubo buena convivencia entre los anfitriones y los recién llegados? ¿Quién se ocupó de los niños? ¿En qué circunstancias se realizó la posterior evacuación de los municipios de Castellón? En definitiva, se analiza todo aquello referente a este sujeto colectivo, que fueron los refugiados, en el contexto territorial de Castellón. ; During the Spanish Civil War (1936-1938), huge masses of people left their homes to avoid repressive action of a political nature. A large part of the refugees was redistributed among the different locations of the Republican rear. This paper focuses on the fate of the more than 20,000 people who were relocated throughout the province of Castellón de la Plana. It is aimed at providing responses to the following questions: What were their main areas of origin? What means of transport did they use? How were they distributed in the different localities? Which institutions took charge of their management? In what conditions were they taken in? Was there good coexistence between the hosts and the newcomers? Who took care of the children? In what circumstances was the subsequent evacuation of the municipalities of Castellón carried out? In short, everything related to this group, who were the refugees, in the territorial context of Castellón.
In the first years of the Spanish Restoration, some republican feminists, together with other more moderate feminist groups, made use of the press to demand access for women to education (including higher education) that would enable them to work in the liberal professions. In a later period, during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, lay feminist networks also demanded education and freedom of conscience for women, gained access to public platforms and promoted their social actions through the network of associations linked to free thought and republicanism. Subsequently, these lay groups would adopt clearly suffragist positions alongside other feminist organisations whose main objective around 1918 was the claim for political rights. Accordingly, the fight for the emancipation of women propagated new meanings relating to womanhood that in practice led to forms of female identity that were closer to those of men. ; Durante los primeros años de la Restauración, algunas feministas republicanas en conjunción con otros sectores feministas más moderados demandaron, a través de la prensa, el acceso de las mujeres a una educación, también superior, que les permitiera ejercer profesiones liberales. En una etapa posterior, las redes del feminismo laicista, entre los siglos XIX y XX, reivindicaron también la educación y la libertad de conciencia de las mujeres, accedieron a las tribunas y promovieron su acción social a través del entramado asociativo vinculado al librepensamiento y al republicanismo. Posteriormente, esos mismos núcleos laicistas evolucionarían hacia postulados claramente sufragistas en alianza con otras organizaciones feministas que, en torno a 1918, hicieron de la reivindicación de derechos políticos su principal objetivo. En todo caso, las demandas en pro de la emancipación difundieron nuevos significados en torno a las mujeres que se concretaron en la práctica en formas de identidad femenina más equivalentes a las de los hombres.
Durante los primeros años de la Restauración, algunas feministas republicanas en conjunción con otros sectores feministas más moderados demandaron, a través de la prensa, el acceso de las mujeres a una educación, también superior, que les permitiera ejercer profesiones liberales. En una etapa posterior, las redes del feminismo laicista, entre los siglos XIX y XX, reivindicaron también la educación y la libertad de conciencia de las mujeres, accedieron a las tribunas y promovieron su acción social a través del entramado asociativo vinculado al librepensamiento y al republicanismo. Posteriormente, esos mismos núcleos laicistas evolucionarían hacia postulados claramente sufragistas en alianza con otras organizaciones feministas que, en torno a 1918, hicieron de la reivindicación de derechos políticos su principal objetivo. En todo caso, las demandas en pro de la emancipación difundieron nuevos significados en torno a las mujeres que se concretaron en la práctica en formas de identidad femenina más equivalentes a las de los hombres. ; In the first years of the Spanish Restoration, some republican feminists, together with other more moderate feminist groups, made use of the press to demand access for women to education (including higher education) that would enable them to work in the liberal professions. In a later period, during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, lay feminist networks also demanded education and freedom of conscience for women, gained access to public platforms and promoted their social actions through the network of associations linked to free thought and republicanism. Subsequently, these lay groups would adopt clearly suffragist positions alongside other feminist organisations whose main objective around 1918 was the claim for political rights. Accordingly, the fight for the emancipation of women propagated new meanings relating to womanhood that in practice led to forms of female identity that were closer to those of men. ; Trabajo realizado en el marco del Proyecto I+D+I, núm. 149/05.
Recent studies about the 19th century republican forces indicate the importance of their role in the progress towards statehood. This article explores further along the line of said research. It identifies the tasks realized by the standing army and the national guard in the provinces of Cauca in the 1830s through the 1850s. Those activities allowed the notion of State to become more tangible to the men and women inhabiting the region, both in the principal cities and the remote localities distant from political central power. ; Los recientes estudios sobre los ejércitos republicanos en el siglo XIX, han señalado su relevancia en la construcción de los procesos de estatalidad y estatalización. El presente artículo explora esta línea investigativa, identificando las tareas que el ejército permanente y la guardia nacional desempeñaron en las provincias del Cauca entre los años treinta y cincuenta del siglo XIX, las cuales permitieron hacer más tangible el Estado a los hombres y mujeres que habitaron la región, tanto en las principales ciudades como en las localidades más alejadas de los centros de poder político. ; Les études les plus récentes sur les armées républicaines dans le XIX siècle ont remarqué leur importance dans la construction de processus d'étatisme et d'étatisation. Cet article exploite cette ligne de recherche en repérant les tâches que l'armée permanente et la police nationale exercèrent dans les villages du Cauca entre les années trente et les années cinquante du XIX siècle, lesquelles permirent de faire plus tangible l´'Etat, aux hommes et femmes qui habitèrent dans la région, tant dans les grandes villes que dans les villages plus éloignés des centres du pouvoir politique ; Os estudos recentes sobre os exércitos republicanos no século XIX apontaram sua relevância na construção dos processos de estado. Este artigo explora esta linha de pesquisa, identificando as tarefas que o exército permanente e a guarda nacional realizaram nas províncias de Cauca durante os anos 30 e 50 do século XIX, as quais permitiram tornar o estado mais tangível aos homens e mulheres que habitaram a região, tanto nas principais cidades quanto nas cidades mais distantes dos centros de poder político.
Abstract We conduct a preliminary analysis of the first 200 days of the Donald Trump presidency, to determine who his principal allies in the US House have been. We build our analysis around three groups of Republicans, based on caucus affiliations: members of the Republican Main Street Partnership (RMSP), the Republican Study Committee (RSC), and the House Freedom Caucus (HFC). We find that House Republicans, regardless off caucus membership, broadly support President Trump and largely shared in the his electoral success. Yet, we also uncover suggestive evidence that the HFC is maneuvering into a position of influence with President Trump. Freedom Caucus members are more closely tied to his electoral performance than members of other conservative groups, and they appear to receive more time with the President relative to a comparable group of House Republicans. While these results are interesting, they are also initial and more time is needed to assess how President Trump builds a winning coalition with Republican House members.
El artículo señala los principales elementos políticoas alrededor de los cuales se fue definiendo la identidad nacional de los principales actores y grupos de poder en el Caribe colombiano en los primeros decenios de vida republicana.PALABRAS CLAVES:república, ciudadanía, identidad naional, poder político.ABSTRACTThis article shows the principal political aspects related to the definition of the national indentity of the main actors and groups in the Caribe Colombiano during the early period of the republican era.KEY WORDS:Republic, citizenship, national identy, political power.
Este artículo estudia las formas de persecución y aniquilación del enemigo político durante la posguerra española mediante el análisis del proceso seguido contra un alto cargo de la Segunda República: el gobernador civil de Málaga, Luis Arráez Martínez. Más concretamente, partiendo de la hipótesis de que no es posible comprender aspectos centrales de la represión judicial franquista sin examinar de cerca las condiciones sociales en las que se hizo efectiva, indaga en la responsabilidad que los agentes locales que colaboraron con las autoridades militares que incoaron el procedimiento tuvieron en el resultado final del mismo. El Estado era el organizador de la represión, instrumento con el que conseguir unos objetivos muy definidos y que ya estaban en la base de la rebelión de 1936 como era la «limpieza política», pero es el conocimiento de la realidad local lo que permite comprobar que fueron autoridades locales y vecinos quienes se erigieron en pieza principal para conseguir el éxito de la misma. ; This contribution studies the forms of political persecution and annihilation of the enemies after the Spanish Civil War through the analysis of the military trial against a senior official in the Republican Civil administration: the civil Governor Luis Arráez Martínez. More precisely, the article focuses on the study of the social conditions which made possible judicial repression during the Franco Regime and, from this point of view, it explores the contribution of the local authorities to the process of Luis Arráez. In fact, the State was the organizer of the repression with which Franco tried to achieve precise targets as, for example, the political cleansing. All these objectives were at the basis of Franco's uprising in 1936. The author shows that the political repression was based on the local authorities and the neighbors of the victims. All of them played a major role in the development and the success of francoist repressive strategies.
In this Note we challenge the claim asserted in a 1984Wall Street Journaleditorial that partisan gerrymandering by Democratic-controlled state legislatures is the principal reason for the inability of Republicans to translate their national share of votes proportionally into seats in the US House of Representatives. In contrast to previous work, we show the critical importance of sectional (South/non-South) differences for understanding the dynamics of electoral change at the congressional level. We argue that the inability of Republicans to translate votes effectively into congressional seats is largely a product of wasted Republican votes in the South, although we recognize that a handful of states (e.g., California) are significantly gerrymandered against Republicans, and we also recognize that part of the reason for the present-day Democratic advantage in the House is an incumbency advantage that benefits the party that controls most seats.
In this work we propose three specific objectives. Firstly, to reconstruct the main normative assumptions of the comprehensive republican conception of the concept of deliberative democracy assumed by F. Atria in his work La forma del derecho. Secondly, to present a diverse deliberative republican conception, defined by four characters: political, reflexive, civic and epistemic. Thirdly, to point out in what sense this second conception would respond adequately to the challenge of justifying a democratic model that overcomes the pressing and current but apparent skeptic-objectivist paradox in matters of political truth. ; En este trabajo nos proponemos tres objetivos específicos. En primer lugar, reconstruir los principales presupuestos normativos de la concepción republicana comprehensiva del concepto de democracia deliberativa asumido por F. Atria en su obra La forma del derecho. En segundo lugar, presentar una concepción republicana deliberativa diversa, definida por cuatro caracteres: política, reflexiva, cívica y epistémica. En tercer lugar, señalar en qué sentido esta segunda concepción respondería adecuadamente al desafío de justificar un modelo democrático que supere la acuciante y actual pero aparente paradoja escéptica-objetivista en materia de verdad política.
A standard approach to American politics, national, state, or local, distinguishes the two-party and one-party systems, with a range of modifications in between. Florida has long been described as a one-party state, part of the "solid south." Since Reconstruction days, and until very recently, the Republican party there has had virtually no state and local organization, virtually no public office seekers nor office holders, virtually no registered voters, and virtually no supporters at the polls. In recent years this state of affairs has been in perceptible change. Traditionally Democratic Florida went Republican in the last three presidential elections. Indeed, Franklin D. Roosevelt and Harry S. Truman are the only Democratic presidential nominees to have won Florida's electoral support since 1924. In the past decade there has been a marked increase in registered Republican voters, in Republican candidates and votes for them; and the state and local Republican organizations have expanded and otherwise appeared to be viable. These political changes seem to be related to other changes—industrialization, urbanization, growing wealth and a population explosion whose principal cause has been immigration from other states, mostly northern.
Thomas Frank's book poses a question: Why do working people in Kansas vote for Republican candidates when supporting them is antithetical to their economic interests? This article analyzes the statistical evidence for such alleged deviant voting and finds support for his thesis that the working class does vote Republican. Also supported is his principal causal suggestion for this hypothesized "backlash," the decline in average county population. But both variables lack a supporting theory. A "structural ecological" explanation for both facts is introduced that claims that the fear that whites experience as the white population shrinks causes the backlash reaction and the Republican vote that Frank describes. Statistical tests support the alternative explanation and illustrate the difference between Frank's ethnography‐based arguments and the approach that most sociologists use.
This contribution argues that the EU's 'cosmopolitan foreign policy constitution' (e.g. based on Articles 2,3 and 21 TEU and the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights) and the universal recognition of human rights require re-interpreting the 'rules of recognition' of EU and international law by 'balancing' state-centered rules and principles with the human and constitutional rights of EU citizens and the person-centered 'principles of justice' underlying EU constitutional law and multilevel human rights law. As EU law recognizes citizens as 'agents of justice', constituent powers and 'democratic principals' entitled to constitutional rights and 'strict observance of international law' (Article 3 TEU) also in the EU external relations, the transnational constitutional rights and multilevel judicial remedies protected by EU law must be construed as entitling citizens to transnational rule of law and corresponding duties of EU institutions to protect citizens and their rights also in international dispute settlement procedures (e.g. under UN, WTO, regional trade and investment agreements). The EU constitutional principles of conferral, subsidiarity, proportionality and access to justice for multilevel judicial protection of equal freedoms and 'strict observance of international law' are relevant context for interpreting EU obligations under UN, WTO and other treaty and dispute settlement systems for the benefit of EU citizens that must hold the limited 'constituted powers' of multilevel governance institutions more legally, democratically and judicially accountable in order to protect transnational public goods and rule of law inside the EU.
