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The rise of the right-wing populism has become a distinguishing feature of the political life of European countries at the beginning of the 21st century. Over the last 20—25 years, right-wing populist parties have turned from once marginal associations into an important component of the partypolitical system of the EU countries. The key components of the ideology of the parties of this type include ethno-cultural nationalism, anti-immigrant attitudes, anti-globalism, and euroscepticism. Similarly to other populists, their representatives claim to express the interests of the "true" people, which they understand as an organic unity that is opposed to the self-serving and morally degraded establishment. The German version of right-wing populism manifests itself in the Alternative for Germany (AfD), which stands somewhat apart from the European right-wing populist organizations and differs from most of them in its genesis. The AfD was founded in 2013 by the conservatives and national liberals and in the first few years of its existence it used to be in fact a national conservative eurosceptic party. Although later its right-wing component became stronger, the party still decisively dissociates itself from right-wing radicalism and denies any connection with the German right-wing tradition. The preservation of the national and cultural identity of Germany, the restriction of the influx of immigrants, the rejection of the euro and the transformation of the European Union into an association of sovereign states are among the most important AfD's principles set out in the party platform. The electoral base of the AfD consists of those Germans who lose out from globalization, do not accept multiculturalism and are concerned about the influx of migrants from other cultures into Germany. The party is most popular in the eastern lands of Germany. In addition to the extreme right movement, which gravitates towards right-wing radicalism, the party also retains a moderate conservative one. Nevertheless, the AfD remains a party that no one wants to "shake hands" with and has almost no chance of entering power.

'Der vorliegende Bericht untersucht die sechs größten rechtsextremistischen Organisationen der Russischen Förderation: die 'National-patriotische Front 'Pamjat'' ('Gedächtnis') unter Dmitrij Wassiljew, die 'Liberal-demokratische Partei Rußlands' (LDPR) unter Wladimir Schirinowskij, die 'National-republikanische Partei Rußlands' (NRPR) unter Nikolaj Lyssenko, die 'Russische nationale Einheit' (deutsche Abkürzung RNE) unter Alexandr Barkaschow, die 'Russische Nationalversammlung' (deutsche Abkürzung RNV, abweichende russische Abkürzung RNS) unter Alexander Sterligow und die 'Front der nationalen Rettung' (deutsche Abkürzung FNR, abweichende russische Abkürzung FNS) unter Ilja Konstantinow. Zur Definition von Rechtsextremismus wurde die Begriffsbestimmung der Politikwissenschaft herangezogen: Rechtsextremistisch sind Bestrebungen, die gegen die Grundrechte und Verfassungsnormen des parlamentarisch-demokratischen Konfliktaustrags gerichtet sind und die zur Durchsetzung ihrer nationalistischen Positionen bereit sind, Gewalt anzuwenden.' (Autorenreferat)

Soldiers and Students (1975) adopts an original approach to the confrontation of deprived and possessing parties under conditions of scarcity. With reference to the course of conflict, the actions of the competing parties are shown to be interlinked, yet the difference between their strategies are clearly defined. Right-wing radicalism is treated through a study of military intervention in domestic politics; left-wing radicalism through analysis of student radicalism. The case studies are centred on recent Dutch history, but the theoretical perspective underlying the argument is essentially comparative. Thus Dutch military responses to the decolonisation of Indonesia serve to illustrate the strategies of a military apparatus on the brink of politicisation, radicalism among Dutch students in the sixties offers the empirical reference for the analysis of left-wing radicalism.

"Die inhaltlichen Informationsleistungen des Fernsehens werden in zunehmendem Maß durch den formalen Zuschnitt der Programme und die in diesen Zuschnitt eingepaßten Sendungsformate determiniert; dies gilt auch für die Art und Weise, wie in deutschen Femsehprogrammen über das Aufbrechen rechtsextremistischer Tendenzen nach der Wiedervereinigung Deutschlands berichtet wird. Dieser - auf ökonomische Rahmenfaktoren zurückzuführende - Sachverhalt wird in der aktuellen Debatte der Rechtsextremismus-Berichterstattung des Fernsehens übersehen, die sich in der Regel auf individuelle Fehlleistungen von Journalisten konzentriert. Auf der Grundlage von Programmanalysen kann gezeigt werden, daß die Rechtsextremismus-Berichterstattung den Normalfall der Informationsleistung des Fernsehens unter den Konkurrenzbedingungen der in Deutschland geltenden dualen Rundfunkordnung darstellt." (Autorenreferat)

Radicalism has been relatively weak in America, so strong is the American consensus. In the past, most radical movements were leftist or liberal. Today, right-wing radical ism is strong. Its intellectual and political roots are found in leftist movements such as populism and the protofascism of the 1930's as well as pre-World War II isolationism. McCarthy was a link between these movements and the present radical right. The major tenet of contemporary right-wing extremism is an anticommunism which stresses the domestic aspect of the Communist threat. Because of belief in the absolute nature of the struggle against communism and a conspiracy theory of his tory inherited from leftist and isolationist movements of the past, the radical right has little faith in traditional constitu tional and political processes and stresses clandestine and mass- action methods for fighting communism. In economics, the radical right favors a return to nineteenth-century laissez-faire liberalism; in social life, it favors greater conformity to tradi tional norms. The future of right-wing radicalism depends primarily on the course of international events but also, in part, on the nature and strength of contemporary left-wing radical movements.

In Hungary, during 2010-2015 the growing xenophobic attitudes are noticed in the society, and right radical extremist groups gain power. The aim of the article is to identify the most significant factors that encourage xenophobia in Hungary. The types of right organizations and their electoral performance are determined. Our hypothesis is that the activity of right extremist organizations influences the formation of xenophobic social practices in Hungary. By means of factor analysis the author identified the main directions and forms of activity of right radicals, determined the value of socio-economic dynamics of Hungary, characterized the attitudes of society, the law and the ruling elite to the problems of xenophobia and right radicalism. Among the most influential factors we should name: open propaganda of nationalist ideas; constitutional priority to the interests of ethnic Hungarians; parliamentary membership of the Movement "For a Better Hungary"; condoning by the ruling elite, the courts and the police of the right radical activity. The paper presents the trend in the contemporary Hungary: the public demonstrates intolerance to right radicalism in cases of criminal behavior, but for the most part is loyal to its ideologies. Except for oppositional human rights organizations and ethnic communities, a significant part of Hungarian society often shows nearly complete indifference to the issues of xenophobia, racial and ethnic discrimination. The author described five groups of factors that stimulate the reproduction of xenophobic attitudes and practices among various groups of the population: "historical", institutional, socioeconomic, legal and political. The paper uses empirical data of public opinion polls conducted by leading research centers in Hungary, as well as statistical data of public authorities, civil society institutions.

Introduction. The article discusses the main approaches to the concept "right radicalism" in modern Russian and foreign political science. In addition, the author shows how actors in political processes use ideology in the framework of political struggle as exemplified by the ideological discourse of the far-right British National Party. The aim of the study is to trace the specifics of constructing the nationalist discourse of the rightwing political forces in modern Europe (using the example of the British National Party) and formulate the author's definition of the term "right-wing radicalism". Methods. The author uses comparative and historical-retrospective methods to comprehensively consider the phenomenon of the right-wing radicalism, as well as discourse analysis of a political party's text, which contributes to a better understanding of the features constructing the discourse of these actors in political processes. Scientific novelty of the study. The work provides comprehensive analysis of the concept "right radicalism" in the context of political processes of modern Europe, the author suggests his own definition of the phenomenon considered. Results. From the vast scientific heritage devoted to issues of the right-wing radicalism, ideology, and functioning of right-wing political parties, the author choses several approaches presented in both domestic and foreign political science, which makes it possible to disclose essential ideas of the "right-wing radicalism". In addition, as a result of the discourse analysis of the British National Party program document, the author identifies the main points that are key to the nationalist discourse of the modern European right-wing radical party. Conclusions. As a result of the study, we can conclude that the concept "right radicalism" is one of the most debatable in modern political science and the relevance of its study is not in doubt. The analysis of the program document of one of the oldest extreme right-wing parties in Europe shows that ideological discourse is formed from various components and, using various methods, the researcher can analyze its structure in detail, understanding how political forces form this discourse within the framework of the political struggle.

Whereas personal expression has become a core practice of journalism whose merits can include greater attention to context and interpretative analysis, these freedoms from the constraints of traditional broadcast conventions can pose serious risks, including the ideological hijacking of journalism by partisan actors. In popular right-wing podcasts, such as those hosted by Ben Shapiro and Dan Bongino, the element of opinion amplifies the tendency of the podcast medium to relegate news to a secondary concern behind the emotional impact. Not only do podcasters like Shapiro and Bongino contribute to a fractured media environment of hyper-partisan news and commentary, but they also utilize social media platforms and transmedia networks to undermine traditional journalism and replace it with an alternative conservative media ecosystem - a multiplatform, full-service clearinghouse of news and commentary afforded by the publishing capabilities of the internet and the distribution algorithms of social media platforms like Facebook. This study charts the evolution of conservative audio production, from the influential work of talk radio star Rush Limbaugh through the latest innovations by conservative podcasters, as exemplified by Shapiro and Bongino. Our study builds on previous scholarship on metajournalistic discourse to examine how right-wing podcasters use exclusionary language to delegitimize the institution of journalism and offer a self-contained, ideologically conservative version of journalism as a replacement.