Federal Rules of Evidence: Final Article of Series; Summary of Proposed Rule Amendments — No 'Path' For 'Change
In: 59 CRIM.L.BULL. 1057 (2019)
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In: 59 CRIM.L.BULL. 1057 (2019)
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Working paper
In: Management report for nonunion organizations, Band 40, Heft 8, S. 2-2
ISSN: 1530-8286
Unions are winning more elections than ever using the quickie, also known as "ambush," election rules to cut into an employer's ability to campaign against the union. When there is only about two weeks between the union's filing of a National Labor Relations Board election petition—which may be the first notice the employer has of the union campaign—and the vote, unions win a lopsided 82 percent of the time. When employers have more than two weeks' notice, the union win rate drops to 67 percent, according to a Bloomberg BNA report. But the days of the union‐friendly, Obama‐era quickie election rules may be numbered, as Republicans have introduced legislation in Congress that would, among other things, set a minimum of 35 days from petition to election.
In: M Cherif Bassiouini et.al (eds),The Global Community Yearbook of International Law and Jurisprudence: GLOBAL TRENDS: LAW, POLICY AND JUSTICE ESSAYS IN HONOUR OF PROFESSOR GIULIANA ZICCARDI CAPALDO, Oxford University Press, 2013, pp 173-230
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part PART I GETTING STARTED -- chapter 1 GUIDING PRINCIPLES FOR CHANGE AGENTS -- chapter 2 THE ESSENTIAL EIGHT: AN OUTLINE FOR COMMUNITY CHANGE -- part PART II THE RULES OF THE GAME -- chapter 3 BASIC THINGS TO KNOW -- chapter 4 THINGS TO KNOW ABOUT YOURSELF -- chapter 5 WAYS TO APPROACH PROMOTING CHANGE -- chapter 6 THINGS TO KNOW ABOUT PEOPLE -- part PART III PUTTING IT ALL TOGETHER -- chapter 7 THE THIRTEEN COMMANDMENTS.
In: (2012) 86 Australian Law Journal 175
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In: American political science review, Band 70, Heft 1, S. 25-40
ISSN: 0003-0554
THIS PAPER EXAMINES THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE KINDS OF DELEGATE ALLOCATION RULES USED IN DEMOCRATIC PRESIDENTIAL PRIMARIES AND THE POWER OF VARIOUS STATES WITHIN THE NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC PARTY. IT DEMONSTRATES THAT THESE RULES ARE OFTEN, IN THE SHORT RUN, MORE IMPORTANT THAN A STATE'S VOTED IN DETERMINING THE FATE OF PARTICULAR CANDIDATES.
In: American political science review, Band 1, S. 25-40
ISSN: 0003-0554
THIS PAPER EXAMINES THE REPATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE HINDS OF DELEGATE ALLOCATION RULES USED IN DEMOCRATIC PRESIDENTIAL PRIMARIES, AND THE POWER OF VARIOUS STATES WITHIN THE NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC PARTY. IT DEMONSTRATES THAT THESE RULES ARE OFTEN MORE IMPORTANT THAN A STATES VOTERS IN DETERMINING THE FATE OF PARTICULAR CANDIDATES. IT CLOSES WITH SPECULATION ABOUT THE IMPACT OF THESE TENDENCIES.
In: International studies review, Band 2, Heft 2, S. 181-210
ISSN: 1521-9488
This essay seeks to enhance understanding of the debate over the changing nature of the sovereign state in the Westphalian order by presenting a new vocabulary & analytical framework to aid in the comprehension of large-scale change. It "elaborates a vocabulary & taxonomy of rules & rule, crafts an analytic framework attentive to forms of social rule, & develops a rule-oriented form of constructivism." It shows that rule orientation is part of the current understanding of Westphalia & social change. The author notes implicit rules-oriented constructivism premises in the works of Hendrik Spruyt, Stephen Krasner, & Susan Strange, which illustrate a vocabulary & typology of rules & rule. This rules orientation is applied to material & ideational theories of social change. Change in governing form involves changes in the mixture of social rules & the resulting form of that rule. Current changes can be understood in viewing the increased use of coordination & collaboration between states & corporations, rather than the use of command. 114 References. L. A. Hoffman
In: American political science review, Band 70, Heft 1, S. 25-40
ISSN: 1537-5943
This paper examines the relationship between the kinds of delegate allocation rules used in Democratic presidential primaries (Winner-Take-All, Districted, and Proportional) and the power of various states within the national Democratic party. It demonstrates that these rules are often, in the short run, more important than a state's voters in determining the fate of particular candidates. It shows, in the middle run, that different types of states are clearly favored by different sets of primary regulations. It closes with some speculation about the long-run impact of these tendencies.
In: Mobility and norm change 3
In: Management report for nonunion organizations, Band 45, Heft 12, S. 2-8
ISSN: 1530-8286
One of the more controversial decisions from the Obama Board was the decision in Purple Communications, 361 NLRB 1050 (2014), where the NLRB broadened the right of employees to use their employer's email systems for union‐related purposes, including union organizing. Employers breathed a collective sigh of relief when the Trump Board reversed course in Caesar's Entertainment, 368 NLRB No. 143 (2019), where the Board returned to the standard enunciated in Register Guards, 351 NLRB 1110 (2017), that set forth that employees do not have a right to use their employer's computer equipment for union purposes.
In: New political economy, Band 13, Heft 4, S. 377-395
ISSN: 1469-9923
Our article seeks to enrich the debate on the 'hyridisation' of the German corporate governance system in both an empirical & a theoretical sense. Empirically, we are focusing on the rules which shape the distribution of influence & control over company policy among different groups of stakeholders. We perceive German corporate governance regulation as an institutional element of Germany's coordinated capitalism. We assume that conflicts over the design of the regulatory regime suggest conclusions about the willingness of important actors to defend or reform existing structures. Adapted from the source document.
In: Current history: a journal of contemporary world affairs, Band 122, Heft 848, S. 342-347
ISSN: 1944-785X
This article delineates the relations between the judicial overhaul launched by Israel's right-wing government in 2023 and the mechanisms of Israel's control over Palestinians, demonstrating that they are two parts of a regime change. The essay traces a series of changes in Israel's citizenship regime the past decade: the enactment of an anti-terrorism law and a nation-state law that defined the exclusive right of Jews to self-determination in Israel; the domestic application of surveillance and control practices developed in the occupied territories; and finally legislation allowing the revocation of Palestinians' citizenship and the de facto annexation of the occupied territories.
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Working paper