Suchergebnisse

The eleventh and twelfth centuries correspond to a period during which Sunni orthodoxy built its intellectual and institutional foundations. At this time when the Khalifa was weakened, the Seljuk Turks, combining the fighting skills of the Turkish tribes and the state tradition of Iran, built a strong state and assumed leadership in the institutionalization of Sunnism. In a general way, one of the salient elements for determining this period is the fact that Sunni orthodoxy, which is institutionalized by fundamentally opposing mutazilism and Shiism or rather one of the branches of Shiism, Ismailism, integrates within it the Sufi movement. The personalities put forward as representatives of this period are on the intellectual plane Ğuwaynī and Ġazālī and politically the Grand Vizier Seljuk Niẓām al-Mulk. The Niẓāmiyyas Madrasas, which constitute one of the concrete features of the institutionalization of Sunni orthodoxy, are for the most part achievements of Niẓām al-Mulk. He managed to pass on his reflections on the state government and its administration to the following generations through his work entitled Siyāsat-nāma. ; Les XIe et XIIe siècles correspondent à une période durant laquelle l'orthodoxie sunnite a construit ses bases tant intellectuelles qu'institutionnelles. A cette époque où le Califat est affaibli, les Turcs Seldjoukides, en combinant l'habileté au combat des tribus turques et la tradition étatique de l'Iran, ont construit un état fort et assumé le leadership dans l'institutionnalisation du sunnisme. De manière générale, l'un des éléments saillants permettant de déterminer cette période est le fait que l'orthodoxie sunnite, qui s'institutionnalise en s'opposant fondamentalement au mutazilisme et au chiisme ou plutôt à l'une des branches du chiisme, l'ismailisme, intègre en son sein le mouvement soufi (taṣawwuf). Les personnalités mises en avant comme représentantes de cette période sont sur le plan intellectuel Ğuwaynī et Ġazālī et sur le plan politique le grand vizir seldjoukide Niẓām ...

The eleventh and twelfth centuries correspond to a period during which Sunni orthodoxy built its intellectual and institutional foundations. At this time when the Khalifa was weakened, the Seljuk Turks, combining the fighting skills of the Turkish tribes and the state tradition of Iran, built a strong state and assumed leadership in the institutionalization of Sunnism. In a general way, one of the salient elements for determining this period is the fact that Sunni orthodoxy, which is institutionalized by fundamentally opposing mutazilism and Shiism or rather one of the branches of Shiism, Ismailism, integrates within it the Sufi movement. The personalities put forward as representatives of this period are on the intellectual plane Ğuwaynī and Ġazālī and politically the Grand Vizier Seljuk Niẓām al-Mulk. The Niẓāmiyyas Madrasas, which constitute one of the concrete features of the institutionalization of Sunni orthodoxy, are for the most part achievements of Niẓām al-Mulk. He managed to pass on his reflections on the state government and its administration to the following generations through his work entitled Siyāsat-nāma. ; Les XIe et XIIe siècles correspondent à une période durant laquelle l'orthodoxie sunnite a construit ses bases tant intellectuelles qu'institutionnelles. A cette époque où le Califat est affaibli, les Turcs Seldjoukides, en combinant l'habileté au combat des tribus turques et la tradition étatique de l'Iran, ont construit un état fort et assumé le leadership dans l'institutionnalisation du sunnisme. De manière générale, l'un des éléments saillants permettant de déterminer cette période est le fait que l'orthodoxie sunnite, qui s'institutionnalise en s'opposant fondamentalement au mutazilisme et au chiisme ou plutôt à l'une des branches du chiisme, l'ismailisme, intègre en son sein le mouvement soufi (taṣawwuf). Les personnalités mises en avant comme représentantes de cette période sont sur le plan intellectuel Ğuwaynī et Ġazālī et sur le plan politique le grand vizir seldjoukide Niẓām ...

The revival and power of religious feelings among Muslims since the Iranian revolution presents a complicated and often perplexing picture of the politics of modern Islam. What are the ideas which have influenced the direction of these trends? Here, Hamis Enayat provides an answer by describing and interpreting some of the major Islamic political ideas, especially those expressed by Iranians and Egyptians, as well as thinkers from Pakistan, India, Lebanon, Syria and Iraq. He examines the political differences between the two main schools in Islam - Shi'ism and Sunnism. Also covered in the book is: the concept of the Islamic state; and the Muslim response to the challenge of alien and modern ideologies such as nationalism, democracy and socialism - as well as notions of Shi'i modernism

Avant-propos p.9. - PREMIERE PARTIE - AUX ORIGINES DU CHIISME. - 1. La mort du Prophète et les premiers califes p.25. - 2. Ali, le quatrième calife: des guerres fraticides p. 35. - 3. La mort d'Ali et sa succession p.50. - 4. Le martyre de Hussein p. 58. - DEUXIEME PARTIE - DIVERGENCES DOCTRINALES ET PARTUCULARITES DU CHIISME. - 5. Le chiisme: courant principal et courants minoritaires p.65. - 6. Chiisme vs. sunnisme p.73. - 7. Le tazieh p.85. - 8. Le sigheh p.108. - 9. Le chiisme des origines à nos jours p.114. - TROISIEME PARTIE - GEOPOLITIQUE DU CHIISME ACTUEL. - 10. La révolution islamique d'Iran p. 145. - 11. Etat de lieux p. 154. - 12. La montée du chiisme p. 161. - 13. Les quatre pôles du pouvoir iranien p. 170 . - 14. Faut-il avoir peur de l'Iran? p.192. - Conclusion p. 201

The main concern of this book is the religious policies of the early 'Abbāsid caliphs. It focuses on the religious trends which went into the making of Sunnī Islam, and traces the emergence of the nascent Sunnī elite in relation to the 'Abbāsids. Various aspects of the caliphs' evolving relationship with the religious scholars are studied and the nature of caliphal patronage and its impact on the scholars, and ultimately on the evolution of early Sunnism, is explored. What emerges is a picture of close collaboration between the caliphs and the 'ulama', with the caliphs playing an active and multifaceted role in religious life. This book challenges the prevailing interpretations of the separation of religion and politics in early Islam, and offers new insights into the social and religious history of Islam's formative centuries

This paper investigates the dialectics between "political legitimacy" and "social fabric of society", as it develops in the Imamite-Shiite Qur'anic commentaries on Qur'anic verse 16: 90. It reveals the transformation and development of Imamite-Shiite exegesis pertaining to Q. 16: 90, ranging from classical to modern. It takes into a closer look into seven Qur'anic commentaries which may serve as examples of different typologies within Imamite-Shiite exegetical tradition. It argues that the Imamite-Shiite interpretation on this verse moves between these two poles (political legitimacy and social fabric of society) most notably due to the religious and political circumstances of the exegetes. From these Quranic commentaries, one may also notice the division and ecumenism between Sunnism and Shiism. This paper underlines a colourful nuance of Shiite exegesis and denies the simplified belief that Shiite exegesis is sectarian.

AbstractOver the course of the 18th–early 20th centuries, a curious narrative emerged in Central Asia wherein the Turko-Persian monarch Nadir Shah Afshar was converted from Shiʿism to Sunnism by a group of Islamic scholars outside of Bukhara. While this legend was rooted in Nadir Shah's theological ambitions to bring Shiʿism back into the Sunni fold as a fifth school of canonical law, the memory of that event in the subsequent two centuries was intimately tied to the establishment of several scholarly dynasties, which managed to perpetuate themselves all the way to the Bolshevik Revolution in 1917. This article engages the memory of this mythological conversion to explore sharpening conceptions of sectarian divisions and the role of genealogy in projecting spiritual authority. Most broadly, it argues that—far from a passing depredation—the Afsharid Empire profoundly shaped the geopolitical and social landscape of Persianate Asia.

Articles collected in Historicizing Sunni Islam in the Ottoman Empire, c. 1450–c. 1750 engage with the idea that "Sunnism" itself has a history and trace how particular Islamic genres – ranging from prayer manuals, heresiographies, creeds, hadith and fatwa collections, legal and theological treatises, and historiography to mosques and Sufi convents – developed and were reinterpreted in the Ottoman Empire between c. 1450 and c. 1750. The volume epitomizes the growing scholarly interest in historicizing Islamic discourses and practices of the post-classical era, which has heretofore been styled as a period of decline, reflecting critically on the concepts of 'tradition', 'orthodoxy' and 'orthopraxy' as they were conceived and debated in the context of building and maintaining the longest-lasting Muslim-ruled empire. Readership: All interested in the debates on Sunni Islam and in the politics of religion and confessionalism in the early modern Ottoman Empire and in "post-classical" Islamic history more generally.

The five centuries of the 'Abbasid period (eighth to thirteenth centuries AD) were the golden age of Arabic literature. They saw the appearance not only of poetry and belles-lettres (which are covered in a previous volume), but also of an extensive body of writings concerned with subjects ranging from theology and law to history and the natural sciences. This volume of The Cambridge History of Arabic Literature surveys the most important of these writings, including the literature of Sunnism and Shi'ism, Arabic philosophy, Sufism, Islamic law, grammar, lexicography, administration, historiography, mathematics, astronomy, astrology, geography, alchemy and medicine. It contains separate chapters on six of the greatest scholars of the Middle Ages, as well as on the Arabic literature of the Christians and Jews who lived under the rule of the 'Abbasid caliphate, and includes a study of one of the great cultural movements of the period, the translations from Greek into Arabic

This article seeks to explore Niẓām al-Mulk's political career and his contribution to Islamic political thought. As a prominent wazīr of two Seljuq sultans, Alp Arslan and Malikshah, Niẓām al-Mulk played an important role in running the government for almost 30 years. His adherence to Sunni theological doctrines and Shafi'i school of law has made him a defender of Sunnism against other sects like Ismailism. As a political figure and thinker, Niẓām al-Mulk regarded justice and religion as a fundamental basis for the state. In Siyāsat-nāma, he elaborates many political bodies needed to build a strong state and government, such as wazīr, qādī, tax collectors, military, and intelligent agency. It can be argued that Niẓām al-Mulk's political thought as formulated in his work, Siyāsat-nāma (the Book of Government), is based on his political and governmental experiences, his understanding of Islamic doctrines, and Persian political traditions.

This article explores the on-going construction, or "sedimentation," of Sunni orthodoxy by paying attention to the boundary role of "insider-Others." To highlight how boundary positions of heretical communities shape the category of orthodox Islam, this paper focuses on the social processes excluding the "heretical" Ahmadiyya Muslim Community in South Africa. The paper undertakes a qualitative analysis of two Supreme Court cases involving Ahmadis and the Muslim Judicial Council of South Africa, local representatives of orthodox Sunnism. These two cases stand out in a contentious history that has led to extreme ostracism of Ahmadis by Sunni Muslims in the country. The analysis identifies three features of Sunni orthodoxy that crystallized in the process of conflict with the Ahmadiyya: alienation, transnationalism, and Archimedean moral authority. These features help make sense of social processes marginalizing Ahmadis around the world, and offer new insights into construction of global Sunni orthodoxy.

It has traditionally been taught that Iran, a Sunni polity for many centuries, was converted to Twelver Shi'ism virtually overnight when the armies backing the Safavid house took power in 907/1501. In recent years scholars have begun to question the manner and rapidity of the process of conversion, what it meant to be "Shi'i" or "Sunni" in sixteenth-century Iran, and what, if anything, can be said about Safavid Sunnism.It has been noted that Sunnism in Iran was phased out only gradually. For example, there are references in the Persian chronicles to persecution of Sunnis as late as 1017/1608. Some sources suggest that Sunni influence persisted at the court of Shah Tahmasp and name prominent Sunnis during his reign. As late as the second decade of the eighteenth century, the conqueror of Isfahan, Mahmud Afghan, attempted to alter the balance of population in the city by relocating 5,000 Sunni families from Hamadan.

A fascinating and richly layered account of how and why the great divide in Islam--between Sunnis and Shi'is--occurred. Charting the history of Islam from the death of the Prophet Mohammed to the present day, McHugo describes the conflicts that raged over the succession to the Prophet, how Sunnism and Shi'ism evolved as different and contending sects during the Abbasid caliphate, and how the rivalry between the empires of the Sunni Ottomans and Shi' Sfavids ensured that the split would continue into the modern age. Today the full, destructive force of this historical conflict for the soul of the Muslim world is expressed by the struggle between Saudi Arabia and Iran--with no end in sight. Definitive, insightful, and accessible, A Concise History of Sunnis and Shi'is is an essential guide to understanding the genesis, development, and manipulation of the schism that has come to define Islam and the Muslim world. Includes five black & white maps, a glossary, and a list of sources and further reading

Abstract: Over the years, there are various research on cultural development seen from socio-historical perspective. The uniqueness of Islam in Malay region as it is diverse and open to outside influences is important to be look at; as it differs greatly from "the Islam"
that have been practiced in the Middle East. Based on the discussions, the ulemas or Muslim clerics of this region and the Malays themselves have already practiced the supra-madhhab model as proposed by many contemporary scholars. Using Shia influences in the Malay culture, this paper
attempt to show how sectarianism within Islam was never entertained by the Muslims in this region. In fact, Shi'ism was so embedded in Malay culture. Although being dominated by Sunnism, most of the Shia doctrines and pillars were widely accepted and embraced. The axiology of Shi'ism
in Malay culture reflected in many religious texts, classical literature and cultural events. However, as sectarianism rising in this region, the Shia influence and its axiology slowly eroded and were victimized by unnecessary foreign interventions.

The ideology and practice of radical Islamism on the example of the Islamic State of Iraqi and Levant activity are under consideration in the article. The paper describes the evolution of its organizational structure from a sala group to the militant organization that has aspired to a creation of not simply the Islamic statehood but the world caliphate, based on the example of the early Muslim ummah. The main components of its ideology include adaptation of the Islamic eschatology to the political needs of the organization, substantiation of its geographical borders, determination of its main enemies and others. The author pays a special attention to the different interpretations of ISIS ideology like Sala jihadism, Militant Sunnism, and Wahhabism. The author comes to the conclusion that the organization, which destabilized the political situation in the Middle East and North Africa, has a strong influence among the Muslims of the region, and with the help of just militant operations it is impossible to solve the problem of the Islamic State.