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Protest and opposition in Russia have had a complex and at times conflictual relationship. But as elections have gradually lost their competitiveness, protest has become increasingly important. This article presents educated guesses about the future of the relationship between protest and opposition in light of Russia's war against Ukraine. In the short term, the regime's clearly signaled readiness to quell any form of resistance suggests that protest is unlikely. In the long term, however, changing socio-economic conditions have the potential to reshuffle the protest landscape and generate incentives among elites to address social grievances, perhaps even giving new life to the loyal opposition. Protest, therefore, might not only re-emerge, but also usher in a new phase of political opposition.

The 2015 Paris Agreement was widely greeted with enthusiasm. We assess the short-term and long-term potential effectiveness of Paris. Concerning short-term effectiveness, we contend that while Paris scores high on participation, and reasonably high on the depth of the parties' commitments (ambition), its Achilles' heel will likely be compliance. Concerning long-term effectiveness, we argue that Paris does little to restructure states' incentives so as to avoid free riding. At worst, it might end up as a failure, much like Kyoto did. On the other hand, domestic and international norms could continue to develop in a direction that makes it more and more difficult for individuals, firms, and states alike to ignore the plea to limit and reduce their carbon footprints. Technological progress that gradually reduces abatement costs, combined with leadership by major emitters such as the United States, might further strengthen climate cooperation and enhance other countries' willingness to follow through. However, deep political polarization continues to represent a significant barrier to U.S. leadership on climate change.

The 2015 Paris Agreement was widely greeted with enthusiasm. We assess the short-term and long-term potential effectiveness of Paris. Concerning short-term effectiveness, we contend that while Paris scores high on participation, and reasonably high on the depth of the parties' commitments (ambition), its Achilles' heel will likely be compliance. Concerning long-term effectiveness, we argue that Paris does little to restructure states' incentives so as to avoid free riding. At worst, it might end up as a failure, much like Kyoto did. On the other hand, domestic and international norms could continue to develop in a direction that makes it more and more difficult for individuals, firms, and states alike to ignore the plea to limit and reduce their carbon footprints. Technological progress that gradually reduces abatement costs, combined with leadership by major emitters such as the United States, might further strengthen climate cooperation and enhance other countries' willingness to follow through. However, deep political polarization continues to represent a significant barrier to U.S. leadership on climate change.

The 2015 Paris Agreement was widely greeted with enthusiasm. We assess the short-term and long-term potential effectiveness of Paris. Concerning short-term effectiveness, we contend that while Paris scores high on participation, and reasonably high on the depth of the parties' commitments (ambition), its Achilles' heel will likely be compliance. Concerning long-term effectiveness, we argue that Paris does little to restructure states' incentives so as to avoid free riding. At worst, it might end up as a failure, much like Kyoto did. On the other hand, domestic and international norms could continue to develop in a direction that makes it more and more difficult for individuals, firms, and states alike to ignore the plea to limit and reduce their carbon footprints. Technological progress that gradually reduces abatement costs, combined with leadership by major emitters such as the United States, might further strengthen climate cooperation and enhance other countries' willingness to follow through. However, deep political polarization continues to represent a significant barrier to U.S. leadership on climate change.

BY DEVELOPING A STRATEGIC APPROACH TO THE IMPLEMENTATION OF PEACE ACCORDS IN CIVIL WAR, THE UNITED NATIONS CAN BETTER THE ODDS FOR ENDING A WAR AND FOSTERING DEVELOPMENT IN THE LONG RUN. RECENT ATTEMPTS AT IMPLEMENTATION, HOWEVER, HAVE SUFFERED FROM RECURRING DIFFICULTIES. TO OVERCOME THESE DIFFICULTIES, THE UN MUST ENCOURAGE THE PARTIES TO CHOOSE POLITICAL, CULTURAL, SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC SECURITY-BUILDING MEASURES DURING THE NEGOTIATION PHASE AND SYSTEMATICALLY APPLY CONFIDENCE-BUILDING MEASURES TO THE MILITARY COMPONENTS OF IMPLEMENTATION. THIS DEMANDS A RECONSIDERATION OF PEACE MAKING IN A CIVIL WAR TO INCLUDE A LONG-TERM INTERNATIONAL COMMITMENT TO THE DEVELOPMENT OF WAR-TORN SOCIETIES.

"Tactical urbanism, written by Mike Lydon and Anthony Garcia, two founders of the movement, promises to be the foundational guide for urban transformation. The authors begin with an in-depth history of the Tactical urbanism movement and its place among other social, political, and urban planning trends. A detailed set of case studies, from guerilla wayfinding signs in Raleigh, to pavement transformed into parks in San Francisco, to a street art campaign leading to a new streetcar line in El Paso, demonstrate the breadth and scalability of tactical urbanism interventions. Finally, the book provides a detailed toolkit for conceiving, planning, and carrying out projects, including how to adapt them based on local needs and challenges. Tactical urbanism will inspire and empower a new generation of engaged citizens, urban designers, land use planners, architects, and policymakers to become key actors in the transformation of their communities." --Publisher description