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The methodology of video data analysis (VDA) places a clear focus on the depicted immediate violent event. Herewith VDA takes a position in the long-standing controversy within violence research over narrow versus broad concepts of violence. A broad concept of violence was prominently proposed by Galtung, who introduced the notion of structural and cultural violence, which has been criticized as being a political and ideological concept. VDA argues for a narrow understanding of violence that includes only physical violence. The claim is that this avoids politicization and considers only the facts. A closer look reveals, however, that the situationist approach fails in this regard. The narrow and broad concepts of violence have two important things in common. Both of them define violence from the observer's perspective and thus both prove to be politically and ideologically charged. In order to avoid these problems, we propose a reflexive conceptualization of violence, which brings together a socio-theoretical understanding of how violence is institutionalized with a theory-of-society perspective. Finally, we illustrate the consequences of a reflexive understanding of violence using the example of the events surrounding the 2007 G8 summit in Rostock/Heiligendamm.

This article is a critical engagement with the work of Axel Honneth and his significance for contemporary Critical Theory, social explanation, and emancipatory politics. I begin by exploring Honneth's sympathies for, and criticisms of, both first generation critical theory and Jürgen Habermas's emphasis on communicative action. I then consider Honneth's turn to Hegel's early work on recognition and his emphasis on the underlying forms of mutual recognition, along with the accompanying forms of self-relation/realisation, disrespect and the potential for moral development and resistance. I explore these alongside Honneth's 'formal conception of ethical life' which he hopes can successfully mediate between formal Kantian morality and substantive communitarian ethics whilst also providing him with both a philosophical justification for his normative position and a standard of moral development for evaluating forms of, and struggles for, recognition. I also briefly outline his recent work on reification and recognition before then considering a number of critical responses to Honneth's project as a whole. Whilst sympathetic to his focus on recognition, my criticisms of his work emphasise his tendency to idealise the notion of recognition, his lack of a sufficient conception of misrecognition, the ideological role that recognition often plays, and ultimately the abstract and procedural nature of his 'formal' conception of ethical life.

Karl Polanyi: Article - "Die funktionelle Theorie der Gesellschaft und das Problem der sozialistischen Rechnungslegung", Archiv für Sozialwissenschaft und Sozialpolitik, vol. 52, no. 1, 1924, pp. 218-228, 1924-1994. File contains two copies of an article by Karl Polanyi titled "Die funktionelle Theorie der Gesellschaft und das Problem der sozialistischen Rechnungslegung", as well as a typed English translation by Kari Polanyi Levitt titled "The Functionalist Theory of Society and the Problem of Socialist Economic Calculability". Also included is a typed draft of notes on the article, and a translation by Kari Polanyi Levitt, published under the title "The Functionalist Theory of Society and the Problem of Socialist Economic Calculability" in Cahiers monnaie et financement, no. 22, 1994, pp.115-126.

Responding to a call for systematic contributions on the theory of society, the principle aim of this article is to recover and reconstruct the Young-Hegelian core of critical theory's theory of the dialectical development of society and, on that basis, to project its creative research-based continuation by analysing its largely neglected key concept of possibility. The acknowledgement of the critical theory lineage's naturalist, realist and especially idealist features leads this reconstruction to ascribe a central role to certain pivotal concepts that deserve special attention – including nature, the construction of society, evolution, immanent–transcendence and the conceptual conditions or cognitive order of society. A side effect of this theoretical exposition is the exposure in the course of the argument of certain weaknesses often visible in the contemporary articulation of the theory of society in both critical theory and general social theory. Conceptual solutions to those deficiencies are simultaneously presented in a form appropriate to critical theory's modal-based negative explanatory and positive disclosing critique.

"Welche Art von Gesellschaftstheorie hätte man benötigt, um die Umbrüche der staatssozialistischen Gesellschaften besser antizipieren zu können? Diese Frage benennt die vergangenheitsorientierte Herausforderung. Unsere Antwort hierauf lautet: Eine Kombination von systemtheoretisch geprägter Theorie gesellschaftlicher Differenzierung zur Analyse von chronischen lnstabilitäten einer 'blunted differentiation' - und der durch die Rational-Choice-Perspektive geprägten Theorie kollektiven Handelns - zur Erklärung der akuten Destabilisierung von Gesellschaften durch die Aggregationseffekte individuellen Handelns - hätte die gesellschaftstheoretische Anizipationskapazität deutlich erhöht. Und was läßt sich gesellschaftstheoretisch über den weiteren Verlauf der Umbrüche einschließlich deren Rückwirkungen auf die Entwicklung der westlichen Gesellschaften sagen? Das ist die zukunftsorientierte Herausforderung. Um sie zu bewältigen, ist der Einbezug der politikwissenschaftlichen 'policy networks'-Theorie erforderlich, weil sie sich zur Erklärung von Vorgängen gesellschaftlicher Restabilisierung durch die Schaffung neuer institutioneller Ordnungen eignet. Ohne eine solche komplexe Theoriekombination läuft die soziologische Analyse der in Osteuropa stattfindenden gesellschaftlichen Umbrüche an den Realitäten vorbei." (Autorenreferat)

At the core of Pierre Bourdieu's sociological theory lies the notion of 'social space', which in Distinction is embodied under the headings 'the space of social positions' and 'the space of life-styles'. Social space is not a product of correspondence analysis, and yet it is deemed to be a true representation of a national society with 'universal validity'. Contemporary sociology has not tested the scientific foundation of the Bourdieusian social space, or challenged it using contemporary factorial plans for culture practices. The purpose of this article is therefore to examine social space in four steps: (1) review the supposedly factorial character of the 'social space' diagram, and basic concepts, such as 'lifestyle' and 'relative structure of the capital'; (2) analyse the representativeness of the ad hoc cultural survey; (3) critique the interpretation of the two 'variants of tastes'; and (4) rethink the 'variant of dominant taste'. What we suggest from our findings is that social space should no longer be considered as a well-founded representation of society.

First stated at the end of the last century, the inclusive education proposal had more significant effervescence in the first decade of the current century, as we verified in the scope of the research, studies, and legislative enactments. Nevertheless, the educational process of people with disabilities is precarious in Brazil and worldwide. That is evident both by the unavailability of basic accessibility resources and services and the persistence of beliefs and attitudes that hinder the decent educational inclusion of these people. This article aims to reflect on the educational inclusion of people with disabilities in the contemporary context, taking as a reference the critical theory of society, mainly the studies of Adorno (1970/1995, 1972/2010). It also analyses the need to expand the focus on this issue beyond the specificities of people with disabilities. In parallel, this text points out the need to foster individuals' formation in the educational environment capable of recognizing the humanity within all and each of us. It is considered that this will only be truly possible when the educational systems assume the commitment to the formation of human values that awaken us to perceive similarities and differences in the other as natural aspects of human diversity that constitute us. This change largely depends on proper formation supported by the individuals' critical self-reflection and society, concomitantly. Otherwise, we will be increasingly exposed to barbarism, resulting from a pseudo-formation/semi-formation that still prevails in most institutions. ; A proposta de educação inclusiva, iniciada no final do século passado, obteve maior efervescência na primeira década do século vigente, conforme verificamos no âmbito das pesquisas, estudos e promulgações legislativas. Todavia, no Brasil, assim como em muitos países do mundo, o processo educacional de pessoas com deficiência ainda é permeado por muita precariedade, evidenciada tanto pela indisponibilidade de recursos e serviços básicos de acessibilidade, quanto pela manutenção de crenças e atitudes que impedem a inclusão educacional digna dessas pessoas. O presente artigo visa refletir acerca da inclusão educacional das pessoas com deficiência no contexto contemporâneo, tomando como referência a teoria crítica da sociedade, sobretudo os estudos de Adorno (1970/1995, 1972/2010). Analisa-se, também, no decorrer deste trabalho a necessidade de ampliação do olhar em relação a essa temática para além das especificidades que possuem as pessoas com deficiência. Ademais, buscou-se, paralelamente, apontar a necessidade de fomentar no ambiente educacional uma formação que permita ao indivíduo reconhecer a humanidade contida em todos(as) e em cada um(a). Considera-se que isso só será verdadeiramente possível quando os sistemas educacionais assumirem o compromisso com a formação de valores humanos que nos despertem a perceber nos outros semelhanças e diferenças como aspectos naturais da diversidade humana que nos constitui. Esta mudança depende, em grande medida, de uma verdadeira formação, amparada na autorreflexão crítica dos indivíduos e da sociedade, concomitantemente. Do contrário, ficaremos cada vez mais expostos à barbárie, resultante de uma pseudoformação/semiformação, que ainda impera na maioria das nossas instituições.