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Last week's printed edition of Focus had a piece about how Germany's politicians are using social media. It made the dubious claim that 61% of Green top candidate Katrin Göring-Eckardt's Twitter followers could have been bought. Let's actually instead try to get to grips with what is going on here, and try to draw some conclusions. .

Using a unique dataset of German members of parliament (MPs), this paper analyzes the politicians' wage gap (PWG). After controlling for observable characteristics as well as accounting for election probabilities and campaigning costs, we find a positive income premium for MPs which is statistically and economically significant. Our results are consistent with the citizen candidate model, with a PWG of 35%-65% when comparing MPs to citizens occupying executive positions. However, it shrinks to zero when restricting the control group to top level executives. Adapted from the source document.

What does it mean to be a politician or an administrator in contemporary Denmark? The conditions under which these two central categories of actors operate within the political system have changed considerably in recent years. Hence, processes of societal governance can less be characterized as hierarchical, centralized, top-down government, and more as horizontal network governance. The working paper presents the outline of a research project which aims to contribute to the accumulation of knowledge concerning the means by which administrators and politicians handle the conflicts that emerge as a result of the modification of these otherwise traditional roles.

This paper investigates how politicians' patronage connections affect privatizations in China. The connections to top political leaders (i.e., Central Committee of the Communist Party of China) make local politicians engage more in rent-seeking by selling state-owned enterprises (SOEs) at substantial discounts. These connected local politicians are also more protected in anti-corruption investigations, thus extracting more rents by selling SOE assets at substantial discounts. Consequently, the privatizations conducted by the local politicians with patronage connections achieve significantly lower gains in efficiency and performance. To identify the role of patronage connection in privatization, we use the mandatory retirement age cut-offs of Central Committee members in the regression discontinuity design. We find drops in price discounts of privatization deals and jumps in efficiency for privatized SOEs when local politicians lose connections to Central Committee members around the retirement age cut-offs.

Abstract
The underrepresentation of women politicians in the media is a persistent feature in many contemporary democracies. Gender bias in election coverage makes it harder for women to reach positions of power in politics. Drawing on the special circumstances in Austria during the 2019 election campaign which saw the first female top candidate of a major party and a caretaker government containing equal numbers of men and women and which was led by the country's first woman as chancellor, we examine the effect of these developments on women politicians' representation in campaign coverage. We draw on quantitative content analysis of Austrian newspaper articles (N = 16,125) during four national parliamentary election campaigns (2008, 2013, 2017 and 2019). We show that for women politicians the media ceiling is slowly lifting at best, but that positions of power provide the most promising ways to evade gendered media bias.

AbstractHow in their day‐to‐day practices do top public servants straddle the politics–administration dichotomy (PAD), which tells them to serve and yet influence their ministers at the same time? To examine this, we discuss how three informal 'rules of the game' govern day‐to‐day political–administrative interactions in the Dutch core executive: mutual respect, discretionary space, and reciprocal loyalty. Drawing from 31 hours of elite‐interviews with one particular (authoritative) top public servant, who served multiple prime ministers, and supplementary interviews with his (former) ministers and co‐workers, we illustrate the top public servants' craft of responsively and yet astutely straddling the ambiguous boundaries between 'politics' and 'administration'. We argue that if PAD‐driven scholarship on elite administrative work is to remain relevant, it has to come to terms with the boundary‐blurring impacts of temporal interactions, the emergence of 'hybrid' ministerial advisers, and the 'thickening' of accountability regimes that affects both politicians and public servants.

How in their day‐to‐day practices do top public servants straddle the politics–administration dichotomy (PAD), which tells them to serve and yet influence their ministers at the same time? To examine this, we discuss how three informal 'rules of the game' govern day‐to‐day political–administrative interactions in the Dutch core executive: mutual respect, discretionary space, and reciprocal loyalty. Drawing from 31 hours of elite‐interviews with one particular (authoritative) top public servant, who served multiple prime ministers, and supplementary interviews with his (former) ministers and co‐workers, we illustrate the top public servants' craft of responsively and yet astutely straddling the ambiguous boundaries between 'politics' and 'administration'. We argue that if PAD‐driven scholarship on elite administrative work is to remain relevant, it has to come to terms with the boundary‐blurring impacts of temporal interactions, the emergence of 'hybrid' ministerial advisers, and the 'thickening' of accountability regimes that affects both politicians and public servants.

Using a unique dataset of German members of parliament (MPs), this paper analyzes the politicians' wage gap (PWG). After controlling for observable characteristics as well as accounting for election probabilities and campaigning costs, we find a positive income premium for MPs which is statistically and economically significant. Our results are consistent with the citizen candidate model, with a PWG of 35%–65% when comparing MPs to citizens occupying executive positions. However, it shrinks to zero when restricting the control group to top level executives.

Taking as its starting provocation Philip Cowley's 'Arise, Novice Leader!', this article contributes to the discussion of the nature of today's party leaderships. 'Experience', even for political office, should be viewed as 'real-world' work as much as time served in parliament. By quantifying non-political pre-parliamentary experience of post-war leaderships, I show both that current leaders are relatively 'careerless' and that this is not historically unusual. While Cowley's observation is that their parliamentary experience is also limited, by reintroducing 'political experience' into the numbers, I demonstrate that Cameron, Clegg and Miliband are among the most experienced leaders since 1945 in terms of total pre-parliamentary work but further removed from the 'real world' of those they represent. My argument is that in the contemporary context, such grounding at the top of politics partially explains the election of these professional leaders. © 2013 The Author.

Taking as its starting provocation Philip Cowley's 'Arise, Novice Leader!', this article contributes to the discussion of the nature of today's party leaderships. 'Experience', even for political office, should be viewed as 'real-world' work as much as time served in parliament. By quantifying non-political pre-parliamentary experience of post-war leaderships, I show both that current leaders are relatively 'careerless' and that this is not historically unusual. While Cowley's observation is that their parliamentary experience is also limited, by reintroducing 'political experience' into the numbers, I demonstrate that Cameron, Clegg and Miliband are among the most experienced leaders since 1945 in terms of total pre-parliamentary work but further removed from the 'real world' of those they represent. My argument is that in the contemporary context, such grounding at the top of politics partially explains the election of these professional leaders. Adapted from the source document.

<p class="EW-abstract"><strong>Abstract:</strong> Post-communist countries undergoing social transformations in the last twenty years needed to implement political and economic reforms. Changes also had to support the principles of equality in the access to power, specifically gender quotas in executive and legislative branches of government and within political parties. The events in Ukraine and Georgia in 2004-2005 known as the "colour revolutions" gave impulse to the promotion of equality and implementation of reforms. However, the number of women participating in national politics in both countries remains low. This paper proposes an analysis of gender equality principles during the parliamentary election campaigns in Ukraine and Georgia in 2012 from the perspective of women's participation in politics and their self-representation as politicians. This empirical study covers public attitudes towards women in politics and examines networks of female parliamentarians. The findings raise hopes for better representation of women in politics as female politicians promote them from the top down, and mass public perception of gender equality principles set the ground for bottom-up activism. <strong></strong></p><p class="EW-Keyword">Keywords: Gender Equality, Women Politicians, Public Attitudes, Social Network Analysis (SNA)</p>

Examines importance of role of the Chancellery, political support units to the executive leadership, and parliamentary parties in the Bundestag in training future top officials, due to their centrality in federal policy-making; Germany.

Since the mid-eighties many Dutch municipalities have divided their organizations into decentralized units. In addition, most municipalities have introduced management instruments derived from the private sector, and have been paying more attention to the outputs of the organizations. Nowadays, the political administration of a municipality says that it wants to hold organization units accountable for realized output performance. This paper raises the question of whether politicians use the available quantitative output information to control their organization and in particular to evaluate the performance of top officials. In the paper the Hopwood evaluation-styles, which originally refer to the private sector, are further developed for the public sector. Exploratory field research concerning the use of output data and the evaluation styles used has been conducted in three Dutch municipalities. The aldermen in these municipalities paid much attention to manager's activities and the organization's operations and relatively little to outputs. Based on these empirical findings the paper introduces an additional evaluation style, the 'operations-conscious' style. In this style of evaluation, quantitative outputs play some part, but the main question is whether a manager acts as a good 'facilitator', i.e. ensures that his organization is functioning well. This aspect is mainly judged in a qualitative way. Besides, important criteria are the way in which a manager deals with short-term problems and with the politician's opinions and personal wishes.

"The paper presents selected results of the 1996 study of top Polish politicians members of the 1993-97 Parliament and leaders of those important political parties which failed to get into this Parliament. Presented results pertain to five aspects of politicians' attitudes: (1) opinions on qualities of persons who should be vs. actually are involved in politics, (2) normatively accepted definitions of politics, (3) visions of the 'good state', (4) visions of democracy, and (5) opinions on what defines political views as being either on the 'left' or on the 'right.' As a result, consistently found across all five domains, there is a strong attitudinal similarity among politicians of differing political parties and of divergent political orientations. This finding is interpreted as reflection of a fundamental 'track similarity' in the way in which Polish politicians perceive the most important tasks confronting the whole political class in times of systemic transformation. 'Transformational correctness' - believing that in such times politicians should have (or at least should display) certain views - might be a strong force behind this similarity." (author's abstract)