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Transnational non‐state governance arrangements (NGAs) are increasingly common in areas such as labor standards and environmental sustainability, often presenting themselves as innovative means through which the lives of marginalized communities in developing countries can be improved. Yet in some cases, the policy interventions adopted by the managers of these NGAs appear not to be welcomed by their supposed beneficiaries. This article accounts for this predicament by examining the effects of different configurations of accountability within NGAs promoting labor rights. Most labor‐rights NGAs incorporate "proxy accountability" arrangements, in which consumers and activists hold decision makers accountable "on behalf" of the putative beneficiaries of the NGAs: workers and affected communities in poorer countries. The article shows how and why different combinations of proxy versus beneficiary accountability influence the choice of policy instruments used by NGAs, and applies the argument to three prominent non‐state initiatives in the domain of labor standards.

Why are some non-state actors more successful than others in developing and maintaining durable patterns of transnational interaction? Why are some transnational actors more successful in their lobbying than others? This book is a case study of the Baltic Sea region that addresses such questions. Many non-governmental organizations today have regular contacts with counterparts in other littoral states. In some cases, the non-state actors have also deepened their cooperation and established regional international non-governmental organizations or transnational networks. Their purpose has been, amongst other things, to establish a platform from which they can interact with the Baltic Sea states and influence regional intergovernmental processes. In explainging these patterns of transnational relations, the author highlights a broad range of conditions relating to the actors themselves as well as to structure.

SECTION I: CONCEPTS, MEANINGS, AND THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVESGlobalization: A Theoretical Analysis with Implications forGovernance and Public AdministrationCultural GlobalizationPlanning for Change: Globalization and American PublicAdministrationSECTION II: CONSEQUENCES AND IMPLICATIONS FOR PUBLIC ADMINISTRATIONThe Challenge of Globalization to Public Administration Identity Globalization and Its Impact on Strategic Security Nation-Building: An Appraisal Globalization and the Regulation of Professions Globalization and Media Coverage of Public Administration The Etiology of Transnational Health

In the light of historical tensions, this article considers some classical administrative law responses to changing techniques of public administration. Rejecting the customary reproach that law is unresponsive to the needs of public administrators, the article nonetheless identifies a widespread conviction that control and accountability are the primary objectives of administrative law. The response of administrators overwhelmed by procedural requirements is to fall back on 'soft law' techniques. The article notes the growing use of 'soft law' and recourse to 'soft' techniques of governance in the European Union, together with a possible convergence of legal and administrative values, as standards of 'good governance' and 'principles of good administration' acceptable to both sides are promulgated and enforced by courts. As 'good governance' standards are disseminated by international and transnational institutions, the article predicts a similar pattern of tension and evasion, as procedurally oriented administrative law systems enforced by transnational adjudicative organs develop to occupy the global administrative space.

The "actio pro unione" reminiscent of the four musketeers plays a central role in the common administration of the European migration space in that administrative decisions of a member state gain legal importance in other states through Union law. This bestows a distinct transnational regulatory structure to administration of the European migration space. In the context of migration law, transnational migration has typically been nationally structured, differentiating between foreign & domestic with a focus on the foreign. While migration has changed some in its social aspects as a result of globalization, Europeanization has created a third category, EU citizenship, as well as a territorial constitutional space, though with a variable geometry. A look at the administration structures of the European migration space & the basis for legislative efforts to establish transnational regulatory structures shows that the "action pro unione" is building a form of horizontal administrative association, separate from international or supranational structures. This can be seen by exploring examples regarding the status of long term residents & the Dublin system for determination of asylee states. L. Reed

Many domains of transnational policy are now governed through dynamic, multilevel governance processes, encompassing transnational, national, and subnational scales. In such settings, both membership of policy communities and distributions of authority within them become more fluid and openly contested—increasing the importance of the politics of legitimation as a basis for distributing influence over policy processes and outcomes. Drawing on insights from theories of organizational and institutional legitimation, this article theorizes three distinctive strategies of policy influence exercised by transnational actors in multilevel governance settings, through which strategic efforts to legitimize transnational actors and forums are deployed as means of transnational policy influence. The three strategies involve: transnational field building, localized network building, and role adaptation. The effects of these influencing strategies on policy processes and outcomes are illustrated with reference to the case of Indonesian land governance, in which highly dynamic, contested, and multiscalar governance processes lend our theorized strategies particular salience.

This article analyzes the effectiveness of transnational multi‐stakeholder partnerships for sustainable development—also known as "Type II outcomes" of the 2002 World Summit on Sustainable Development—in the sustainable energy sector. We combine quantitative and qualitative research. Quantitatively, we use a database of 340 partnerships, including 46 partnerships that focus on energy. Our qualitative analysis includes case studies of five partnerships that appear as the most effective and five that are operational but only with modest degrees of effectiveness. We study two competing hypotheses. The first, rooted in institutionalism, assumes that variation in effectiveness is related to organizational structures and procedures. The competing hypothesis emphasizes the power of actors and expects partnerships that involve key business actors and powerful Northern states to perform better. We conclude that the level of institutionalization is most important in explaining effectiveness, while powerful partners and the type of internal organization may further enhance effectiveness.

Abstract This article examines the evolution of transnational Zapatista solidarity networks. Although scholars have described an emerging "mutuality" between the Zapatista movement and its allies at the level of international framing, this article considers how the Zapatistas forged this mutuality on the ground, through active redefinition of alliances with Northern supporters. It argues that the Zapatistas delimited who was included in their solidarity networks, set new terms for partnerships, and redefined legitimacy in their transnational alliances. In so doing, they asserted their autonomy from donors. They also fostered discourses and practices of mutual solidarity and Southern leadership, shifting the balance of power between North and South. The case both illuminates the possibilities for Southern movements to challenge Northern control from within and suggests potential pitfalls of doing so; by defying Northern NGOs' influence, the Zapatistas may have risked their long-term viability.

DIRECT ELECTIONS TO THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT HAVE A TRANSNATIONAL AS WELL AS A NATIONAL DIMENSION. UP TO THE PRESENT, THE NATIONAL DIMENSION CLEARLY DOMINATES, HOWEVER. IN THE COURSE OF THE 1984 ELECTION CAMPAIGN, ISSUES CONCERNING THE STRUCTURE, FUNCTIONING AND DEVELOPMENT PERSPECTIVES OF THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITY'S POLITICAL SYSTEM GENERALLY WERE OF MINOR IMPORTANCE. THE SAME CAN BE STATED FOR TRANSNATIONAL ACTORS AND THEIR ACTIVITIES. IN SPITE OF THE VARIOUS CAMPAIGN ACTIVITIES OF THE COMMISSION OF THE EC, THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT WITH ITS POLITICAL GROUPS AND THE EUROPEAN PARTY FEDERATIONS, THE DOMINANT PART OF THE CAMPAIGN WAS PLAYED BY NATIONAL ACTORS. IT IS ARGUABLE THAT THE 1984 ELECTION, COMPARED TO 1979, EVEN SAW AN ACTUAL 'RENATIONALIZATION' OF POLITICS, A FURTHER DIMINUTION OF THE ALREADY MODEST IMPORTANCE OF THE TRANSNATIONAL DIMENSION.