Offers a Russian perspective on the country's foreign policy towards Latin America. It is argued that Russia's relations with MERCOSUR and the OAS are important channels for dialogue, and Russia is prioritizing close economic and trade ties with the region. Adapted from the source document.
AbstractWhy do some protest movements in Latin America succeed in rolling back privatizations while others fail? This article argues that protests against privatizations have tended to succeed under two conditions. First, privatization's opponents form linkages (or "brokerage") across multiple sectors of society. Broad coalitions are more likely to achieve their goals, while groups acting alone, such as labor unions, are more easily defeated or ignored by governments. Second, civil rights are protected but political representation is weak. In that case, opponents have the legal right to protest, but are unlikely to have opportunities for communicating their concerns through formal institutions, which prompts them to channel their demands outside of existing political institutions. Using case examples and logistic regression, this study confirms these arguments and discusses the implications for democracy in the region.
Published at: History and politics, 5: 7-27, 2001 [es] Military interventions in Latin America have often been a consequence of social and political actors' dissatisfaction with governments or election results. The external dimension, and in particular US influence, starts to be decisive during the period of ideological polarisation following the Cuban revolution. The new shift in US foreign policy during the Carter administration and the terrible consequences of civil wars and human rights violations have over recent years created a political and social climate clearly opposed to new military interventions. ; Peer reviewed ; Published at: History and politics, 5: 7-27, 2001 [es] Military interventions in Latin America have often been a consequence of social and political actors' dissatisfaction with governments or election results. The external dimension, and in particular US influence, starts to be decisive during the period of ideological polarisation following the Cuban revolution. The new shift in US foreign policy during the Carter administration and the terrible consequences of civil wars and human rights violations have over recent years created a political and social climate clearly opposed to new military interventions. ; [EN] Military interventions in Latin American politics had been often requested by political and social actors, unsatisfied with electoral or governmental results. After the Cuban revolution the foreign dimension acquires a new relevance, as ideological polarization inside many countries increases the US influence on Latin American armies. After a new change in Washington's Latin American policy, during the Carter administration, and the devastating effects of civil wars and violations of human rights, in the last years the social and political climate has been clearly opposite to new military interventions. ; Published at: History and politics, 5: 7-27, 2001 [es] Military interventions in Latin America have often been a consequence of social and political actors' dissatisfaction with ...
Enthält Rezensionen u.a. von: Babb, Florence E.: After revolution: mapping gender and cultural politics in neoliberal Nicaragua. - Austin : Univ. of Texas Press, 2001. - 314 S
The pol'al structure of Latin Amer cities has evolved, under the impact of migration, from a traditional monolithic order to a triadic system composed of established sectors, a vast subproletariat created by Ru migration, & mediating gov'al instit's. Most theories have anticipated imminent pol'al explosiveness among the new Lc's. These predictions, however, run consistently contrary to empirical findings. Pertinent results are summarized. The weakness of pol'al extremism among these sectors is interpreted primarily as a consequence of a "migrant" ethic which places responsibility for deprivations on non-structural factors. Similarities between orientations of migrants & those of early European immigrants, insofar as they prevent structural blame & subsequent radicalization are outlined. Structural origins of the migrant ethic & the consequences for Latin America of its eventual demise are examined. AA.
The essay by Murillo, Shrank, and Luna constitutes a much-needed and welcome wake-up call for those of us who study Latin America—and for political scientists more generally. The authors make a plea for "a rigorous, comparative, and empirically grounded" study of Latin American political economy. I fully agree with their diagnosis of this field and their recommendations. I also praise the authors for defining political economy broadly—rather than narrowly, through a focus on research methods. They understand political economy to encompass all the economic, social, and political factors that are either contextual conditions or consequences of major macroeconomic transformations. Thus the authors lay out an important research agenda for the study of Latin American political economy that includes not only issues of economic development and inequality, but also patterns of democratic politics, state capacities, the rule of law, identity politics, and international linkages, among others. For the authors, the major political and economic transformations that the region has undergone since the start of the twentyfirst century—in its postneoliberal era—cry out for a contextualized research agenda and, I would add, open a host of opportunities for theoretical and conceptual innovation.
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