Suchergebnisse

The aim of the first of two articles "Vocational Training and Labour Market" is to analyse factors that influence the decision making processes in the field of vocational training on the national level. The first factor is the circulation of information between the systems of vocational training and labour market. The different types of existing information systems that bridge the vocational training and labour market are defined and critically analysed and their impact on national decision making is evaluated. The second factor that ought to have impact in the field of vocational training is strategic priorities of national economy. The critical analysis of long term strategy of development of national economy reveals the lack of strategic priorities that could inform the system of national decision making in the field of vocational training. ; Šiame straipsnyje analizuojami nacionaliniu lygmeniu profesinio mokymo programų asortimentui ir turiniui galintys turėti įtakos veiksniai. Tai – nacionaliniai strateginiai dokumentai, visos šalies padėtį apibūdinančios informacinės sistemos ir viešosios politikos sričiai priklausantį sprendimų priėmimą reglamentuojantys teisiniai dokumentai.

[only abstract in English; full article, abstract in Lithuanian] The infrastructural dependency of the Baltic States on Russia, even a quarter of a century after the collapse of the Soviet Union, has lead to technological dependence and the maintenance of relations between scientists, business groups and political decision-makers. All this has further strengthened Moscow's tools in the area of energy geopolitics in the Baltic region. On the other hand, use of the so-called "punishment" instruments, intended to force other states to review their policies toward a Moscow-leaning direction, has actually failed. Looking back, one may even say that the result was opposite: an aggressive Russian policy encouraged smaller countries to seek alternative supply routes, other partners and directions for integration. In this context, Lithuania may only appreciate that Moscow was not active enough in applying the positive instruments – offering preferential loans for the development of energy infrastructure, providing discounts for purchased resources etc. Namely these tactics would, in the long run, only increase the damage for Lithuania as an importer of energy resources.Thus, Russia's pressure (primarily in the field of natural gas supply and pricing) did not force the Baltic States to act in accordance with its guidelines, for example, to refrain from criticizing the Nord Stream or postpone their integration into the network of Continental Europe. On the contrary – due to the lack of active application of negative measures and the absence of any positive instruments, Lithuania has invested in the LNG terminal, electricity interconnections, a synchronization project, and it took certain political measures by taking part in the creation of the EU Energy Union. Of course, some elements of the "punishment" policy have been successful for Russia: in 2009, the Ostrovets NPP project reduced the attractiveness of the joint Baltic States' and Poland nuclear power plant project to the extent that it was abandoned. Extensive damage was caused not only to the economy of the country (Lithuania had definitely lost a potentially very important engine for its economy), but also to the image of the state, since Lithuania was eventually forced to freeze the Visaginas NPP project, which had been initiated and regionally promoted by Lithuania for more than a decade.Not everything may be considered as part of a strategy that is logical and "irresistible" for the states that strive to drop their dependency on the dominant supplier. For instance, this can be said of the EU-wide disagreements on NS2, which cause uncertainty about the EU's unity and both its ability and willingness to fulfill its earlier commitments. Without agreeing to either stopping the construction of the Ostrovets NPP or selecting another site, Lithuania attempts to send a message to Minsk saying that such a construction is unacceptable, yet it does not receive adequate support even from its closest neighbors. The membership of the Baltic States in the IPS/UPS system could easily be used for political purposes in Russia quite soon, but the Baltic States are not very keen on speeding up any political agreement on the most favorable direction of the synchronization. There is no common long-term solution for alternative gas imports into the Baltic countries, too. Nevertheless, the latest trends are of optimistic nature: the current combination of political will and economic opportunities in the Baltic States and the EU should be a sufficient boon for reaching the set goal of the Baltic States' integration into the Western European energy systems until 2025. ; [straipsnis, santrauka lietuvių kalba; santrauka anglų kalba] Praėjus 27-eriems nepriklausomybės metams ir 13-ai narystės Europos Sąjungoje metų, elektros energijos srityje Baltijos šalys vis dar veikia iš Maskvos valdomoje sinchroninėje IPS/UPS zonoje, o iki 2014 m. pabaigos buvo visiškai priklausomos ir nuo Rusijoje priimamų sprendimų dėl gamtinių dujų tiekimo ir jų kainos. Vis dėlto priklausymas tai pačiai elektros energetikos sistemai ir Kaliningrado aprūpinimo per Lietuvą veiksnys teisinio abipusiškumo ir pasitikėjimo tarp Baltijos šalių ir Rusijos nesukūrė. Atvirkščiai, Rusijos politika sąlygojo konkrečius neigiamus padarinius Baltijos valstybėms: didesnes didmenines gamtinių dujų kainas, politinių, techninių bei kitų priežasčių sąlygotus energijos tiekimo sutrikimus, politinį šantažą ir pan. Kita vertus, pastarojo meto Lietuvos, Latvijos ir Estijos pažanga, siekiant energetinės nepriklausomybės, nuteikia optimistiškai – Baltijos šalys, regis, atrado Rusijos spaudimui pasipriešinti tinkamas priemones.

The paper deals with multilingualism and multiculturalism in the context of the European Union (EU). It analyzes certain skills and competencies that multilingual and multicultural European citizens have to acquire to become full-fledged EU members. Multilingualism is becoming a social phenomenon governed by the needs of globalization and cultural openness. Thanks to the ease of access to information, facilitated by the Internet, individuals exposure to multiple languages is getting more and more frequent, and triggering therefore the need to acquire more and more languages. Speaking many languages makes individuals more competitive and mobile. The EU policy of official multilingualism as a deliberate tool of government is unique in the world. The EU works actively in the sphere of culture and quality of life to promote the wider knowledge and use of all its official languages throughout the Union. ; Dabartiniais laikais Europos Tarybos kalbų mokymosi krypčiai tapo labai svarbi daugiakalbystės sąvoka. Į daugiakalbystę reikia žiūrėti daugiakultūriškumo kontekste. Kalba yra ne tik svarbiausias kultūros aspektas, bet taip pat priemonė naudotis kultūros apraiškomis. Straipsnyje apibrėžiami daugiakalbystės ir kultūrų įvairovės skatinimo tikslai ir funkcijos daugiakultūrėje ir daugiakalbėje Europoje. Gebėjimas bendrauti keliomis kalbomis padeda plėtotis ne tik verslo sričiai, jis padeda ES piliečiams tapti konkurencingesniems ir mobilesniems. ES valdžios taikoma oficialaus daugiakultūriškumo politika – vienintelė pasaulyje. ES skatina visų Sąjungos kalbų mokymąsi ir aktyvų jų vartojimą. Europos Komisijos kalbų politikos dokumentuose pažymima, kad kalbų mokymasis yra europiečių demokratinio pilietiškumo ugdymo pagrindas, o vienas svarbiausių kalbų politikos tikslų – plėtoti daugiakalbiškumą ir visų kalbų mokymosi galimybes Europoje. Įvairios kultūros asmens kultūrinėje kompetencijoje nėra atskirtos, jos lyginamos, priešinamos ir aktyviai veikia viena kitą ir tokiu būdu formuojasi turtinga integruota asmens daugiakultūrė kompetencija, o daugiakalbystės kompetencija yra tik viena kultūrinės kompetencijos sudedamoji dalis, kuri savo ruožtu sąveikauja su kitomis dalimis. [.]

This study analyzes the contribution of the cooperative movement to the general progress of the Lithuanian economy in the first decade of independence. The cooperation of small agricultural producers under the postwar destitution was considered as the optimal way to reconstruct and modernize the agricultural sector of Lithuania. The consumers' cooperatives were set up most rapidly during the first years of independent life of the country, under the prevailing, permanent shortage of goods. They provided the population with basic consumer goods, suppressed speculation and contributed to the regulation of retail prices in the country. The expansion of agricultural cooperation intensified in the beginning of 1920s, after the funding of agricultural sector started to increase consistently. Also, after the introduction of the litas and the decline of the agricultural production export to Germany, Lithuania had to adapt to a more demanding market of Great Britain. State-supported cooperative unions began developing competitive agricultural livestock and poultry industries as well as engaging in various programs of farming culture improvement. Dairy farming, organized on the basis of cooperation, opened prospects to change the country's export structure, in this way initiating the export of certain processed products of higher added value instead of raw agricultural products. ; Straipsnyje nagrinėjamas kooperacijos sąjūdžio indėlis skatinant bendrą Lietuvos ūkio pažangą pirmame Nepriklausomybės dešimtmetyje. Smulkiųjų žemės ūkio gamintojų telkimasis į ko­operatyvus visuotinio nepritekliaus sąlygomis regėtas kaip optimalus kelias pertvarkyti karo ir okupa­cijų nualintą šalies agrarinį sektorių. Nuolatinis prekių deficitas lėmė, kad pirmaisiais nepriklausomo valstybinio gyvenimo metais sparčiausiai steigėsi prekybos kooperatyvai. Jie aprūpino gyventojus būti­niausiomis plataus vartojimo prekėmis, pristabdė spekuliaciją, reguliavo mažmeninės prekybos kainas šalyje. Žemės ūkio kooperacijos plėtra suintensyvėjo trečiojo dešimtmečio pirmoje pusėje, kai nuosekliai ėmė didėti žemės ūkio finansavimas ir po lito įvedimo, sumažėjus žemės ūkio produkcijos eksportui į Vokietiją, iškilo būtinybė prisitaikyti prie reiklesnės Didžiosios Britanijos rinkos. Valstybės remiamos koo­peratyvų sąjungos ėmėsi konkurencingų žemės ūkio šakų – gyvulininkystės ir paukštininkystės – plėtros, vykdė įvairias ūkininkavimo kultūros kėlimo programas. Kooperatiniais pagrindais organizuojamo pie­no ūkio vystymas atvėrė perspektyvas keisti šalies eksporto struktūrą ir, užuot išvežus žaliavinius žemės ūkio produktus, pradėti eksportuoti didesnės pridedamosios vertės perdirbtą produkciją.

History teaching is a constituent of pupils' all-round development, of their world outlook formation at general-education schools. In class society various social strata struggle for the content of education, the teaching system, for the realization of teaching and educational goals. The clericals used to stress their neutrality, indifference to politics, and class contradictions. Consequently, they alleged that their teaching and educational goals did not reflect any political aspirations. Historical investigations of the problem help to disclose the regularities in the legitimation of clericalism in bourgeois Lithuanian school. This paper deals with the reactionary educational policy of Lithuanian clericals on several issues: legitimation of clericalism in school syllabi of history, the struggle of clericals and clerical bourgeoisie against the authors of non-clerical outlooks, for pro-Catholic textbooks and methods of history teaching. The syllabi, textbooks, literature on history and articles on methods of teaching published from 1919 to 1940 were analysed. The data received disclose a systematic and determined character of the infiltration of clericalism into schools of general education. History as a subject was used for the formation of the religious outlook and bourgeois-clerical ideology of pupils. Thus, the so-called indifference to politics in Lithuanian bourgeois schools proclaimed by the clericals was but a demagogic trick, masking political goals. ; Istorijos mokymas yra visapusiško mokinių augimo, požiūrio į pasaulį formavimosi dalis bendrojo lavinimo mokyklose. Klasių visuomenėje įvairūs socialiniai sluoksniai kovoja dėl švietimo turinio, mokymo sistemos, už mokymo bei švietimo tikslų įgyvendinimą. Klerikalai pabrėždavo savo neutralumą, abejingumą politikai bei klasių prieštaravimams. Taigi, jie tvirtino, jog jų mokymo ir švietimo tikslai neatspindi jokių politinių siekių. Istorinis klausimo tyrimas padėjo atskleisti klierikalizmo įteisinimo dėsningumus buržuazinėje Lietuvos mokykloje. Šiame darbe nagrinėjamos kelios konservatyvios Lietuvos klerikalų švietimo politikos problemos: klerikalizmo įteisinimas mokyklos istorijos programoje, klerikalų ir klerikalinės buržuazijos kova su kitokio požiūrio atstovais dėl pro-katalikiškų istorijos mokymo vadovėlių ir metodų. Buvo analizuotos istorijos programos, vadovėliai, literatūra ir straipsniai apie mokymo metodus nuo 1919 iki 1940 metų. Gauti duomenys atskleidžia sistemingą ir ryžtingą klerikalizmo įsiskverbimą į bendrojo lavinimo mokyklas. Istorija, kaip mokomasis dalykas, buvo naudojama religinio požiūrio ir buržua-klerikalinės ideologijos formavimui. Taigi, klerikalų deklaruotas abejingumas politikai Lietuvos buržuazinėse mokyklose buvo demagoginis triukas, maskuojantis politinius tikslus.

Latvijas Universitates Vestures un filozofijas fakultates vestures nozares Latvijas vestures apakšnozares doktoranta Ginta Zelmena promocijas darba "Latvijas Republikas kulturas politika 1918.—1934." anotacija. Atslegas vardi: kultura, deklaretas nostadnes attieciba uz kulturu, kulturas iestades, valsts budžets, Kulturas fonds. Promocijas darba merkis ir izpetit Latvijas Republikas kulturas politiku no 1918. lidz 1934.gadam. Ipaša uzmaniba pieversta dažadu kulturas nozaru finansešanai. Darba izstradašanai parsvara izmantoti publicetie avoti (normativie akti, statistikas izdevumi, valsts budžeti, Kulturas fonda parskati, periodiska prese u.c.). Nozimigs informacijas apjoms guts ari no Latvijas Nacionala arhiva Latvijas Valsts vestures arhiva uzkratajiem dokumentiem. Kopuma Latvijas Republikas kulturas politiku no 1918.g. lidz 1934.g. raksturo šadi pamatvirzieni: 1) nodrošinati pastavigi finanšu avoti kulturai (Kulturas fonds un valsts budžets); 2) dažu "centralo" kulturas instituciju izveide, to uzturešana no valsts budžeta (ar diezgan izteiktu Nacionalas operas favorizešanu), ka ari nevalstisko kulturas instituciju pabalstišana no valsts budžeta un Kulturas fonda; 3) kopuma liberalas un labveligas "kulturas vides" radišana un, taja pat laika, atsevišku kulturas jomu (preses un it ipaši kino) pastiprinata uzraudzišana un cenzešana; 4) brivas iespejas nacionalajam minoritatem attistit savu kulturu (praktiski nekadu ierobežojumu salidzinajuma ar latviešiem); 5) cenzuras "sliekšna" paaugstinašana un administrativo instituciju pilnvaru paplašinašana 20.gadu beigas – 30.gadu sakuma (t.i. jau pirms K.Ulmana apversuma). ; Annotation on Doctoral Thesis "Cultural Policy of Republic of Latvia 1918—1934" by Gints Zelmenis (doctoral history student) University of Latvia, Faculty of History and Philosophy Keywords: culture, declared policies regarding on culture, cultural institutions, State budget, Cultural Foundation. The aim of doctoral thesis is to examine cultural policy of Republic of Latvia from 1918 until 1934. Particular attention is focused on financing of culture. Information from published sources (legislation, statistics, state budget, Cultural Foundation overviews, periodicals etc.) lays on the basis of the thesis. Significant amount of information is also taken from the records collected in Latvian State Historical Archives. In general Cultural policy of Republic of Latvia in 1918—1934 can be characterized by following theses: 1) Culture was provided by permanent financial sources (Cultural Foundation & state budget); 2) Several "central" cultural institutions was formed as state institutions and funded on state budget (with quite a strong favourization of National Opera). Nongovernmental cultural institutions were supported from Cultural Foundation; 3) In general – liberal and favourable "cultural environment", and at the same time – increased monitoring on particular cultural spheres (the press and especially cinema); 4) Freedom for national minorities to develop their own culture (practically with no limitations in comparison with Latvians); 5) Rise of censorship level and extension of administrative authority power in late twenties – early thirties (i.e. before coup d'etat of K.Ulmanis).

The goal of this article is to analyse the peculiarities of the application of comparative method in political science. The analysis focuses on the historical development of comparative research and major factors that have influenced this development, mainly, historical events, development of research techniques and advancement of the data storage and processing. The analysis covers investigation of various models of comparative research classification as well as the problems of sampling. The comparative method is frequently used in political and social research as it broadens the perspective and could improve understanding of social phenomena. Many methodological problems encountered by scientists earlier on still remain unsolved, while some new challenges have been encountered such as ethnocentrism, sampling issues and cultural biases. The major goal of this article is to promote the scientific discussions on the application of comparative method in the political science in Lithuanian language. ; Šiame straipsnyje nagrinėjami lyginamojo metodo panaudojimo politikos moksle savitumai. Trumpai apžvelgus lyginamųjų tyrimų vystymosi istoriją, analizuojami veiksniai, kurie turėjo įtakos tyrimų poreikiui ir plėtrai. Ypatingas dėmesys skiriamas lyginamųjų tyrimų klasifi kacijos analizei. Straipsnyje analizuojami keli lyginamųjų tyrimų klasifi kacijos modeliai, sukonstruoti remiantis skirtingu požiūriu į laiko ir erdvės parametrų svarbą. Taip pat analizuojama kiekybinė (tyrimo vienetų skaičiaus) klasifi kacija. Šio straipsnio tikslas – prisidėti prie lyginamosios politikos metodologijos analizės plėtojimo lietuvių kalba.

Gender mainstreaming aims to enable the state to deliver gender-sensitive policy instruments and transform gender relations. It is a widely adapted approach that was developed in transnational networks of women activists, but goes beyond women's policy machinery. Mainstreaming suggests that equal opportunities for women and men should no longer be achieved solely through traditional equal opportunities policies. The article analyses the historical development of gender mainstreaming approach, the promises and pitfalls of the transformative policy. The second part of the study analyses main ideological, institutional, political and legal obstacles to the implementation of gender mainstreaming in different national contexts, including Lithuania. ; Lyčių dėmens integravimo strategija Europos Sąjungoje žymi XX a. pabaigos lyčių lygybės paradigmos kaitą; paradigmos, kuri ilgą laiką apėmė vienodo lyčių traktavimo, lyčių lygių teisių ir galimybių formalizavimą. XX a. antroje pusėje feministinis judėjimas privertė pasaulio bendruomenę iš naujo apsvarstyti lyčių santykį, lyčių ir lytiškumo skirtumus, skirtingas vyrų ir moterų patirtis, jų mąstymą ir savęs suvokimo būdus. Ši strategija - dėl aktyvaus moterų socialinio judėjimo - darėsi neatsiejama ES politinio diskurso dalis. Straipsnyje pateikiamos istorinės ES lyčių dėmens integravimo strategijos prielaidos, analizuojami jos novatoriškumo aspektai ir galimos grėsmės. Analizuojant lyčių dėmens strategijos įgyvendinimo kliūtis įvairiose šalyse, įskaitant Lietuvą, atsižvelgiama į ideologinius, kultūrinius, institucinius ir politinius veiksnius bei savitus lyčių kontraktų tipus, kurie susiformavo dėl šių veiksnių.

Three cases where EU has different competences and which are the most developed in EU relations with Moldova and Ukraine are analysed here. They include current trade regimes with EU (Autonomous trade preferences in case of Moldova and negotiations on free trade area in case of Ukraine), European Union Border Assistance mission to Moldova and Ukraine (EUBAM) and visa facilitation and readmission agreements. Master's work argues that deeper cooperation between EU and ENP countries began only after these policies were more harmonized inside the EU and show how EU transfered it's experience in these fields to Moldova and Ukraine. The independent variable is EU policy harmonization level while the dependent variable is the transfer of EU recommendations and their implementation in Moldova and Ukraine. The hypothesis is that at the macro level degree of transferring EU recommendations to Moldova and Ukraine depends on concrete policies harmonization level inside the EU. It means that more intense transfer can be expected in policies where EU has exceptional competence and results might be not so good where decision is made by EU member states governments. To conclude, widened understanding of europeanisation theory allows usage of this theory in EU relations with non members. However, it is important to have in mind that the horizontal mechanism used by the EU is not of the same degree of integration in the case of ENP and to EU member states. Such position creates the situation when ENP members are not obliged to implement recommendations and can quite freely chose to which sectors they should give more attention and priority. Without no doubt EU got involved more deeply in coordinating external trade and external aspects of JHA in ENP countries. The analysis of three cases showed that EU JHA policy is complex and includes different ways how to stimulate Moldova's and Ukraine progress. Better results were reached in entrance to EU Internal Market sector (custom procedures, rules of origin of goods), where EU institutions had higher competence. On the contrary, less achievements were recorded in economic governance sector (intellectual property rights, public procurement), where EU competence is shared with member states. More active EU's policy towards ENP countries in justice and home affairs sphere in 2006-2007 was a result of trying to implement the strategic documents and changes in EU competence in this area during 2001-2005. Better results were made in visa facilitation and readmission area where EU decisions are made by Community method, while despite of very positive evaluation of EUBAM by European Commission and Moldova's and Ukraine experts, most of the results are fragmented and effective cooperation between Moldova's and Ukraine customs has not been achieved until now. As a result, some progress in EU cooperation with ENP countries was seen, but even in the most developed sectors we can talk only about fragmented structural change.

Three cases where EU has different competences and which are the most developed in EU relations with Moldova and Ukraine are analysed here. They include current trade regimes with EU (Autonomous trade preferences in case of Moldova and negotiations on free trade area in case of Ukraine), European Union Border Assistance mission to Moldova and Ukraine (EUBAM) and visa facilitation and readmission agreements. Master's work argues that deeper cooperation between EU and ENP countries began only after these policies were more harmonized inside the EU and show how EU transfered it's experience in these fields to Moldova and Ukraine. The independent variable is EU policy harmonization level while the dependent variable is the transfer of EU recommendations and their implementation in Moldova and Ukraine. The hypothesis is that at the macro level degree of transferring EU recommendations to Moldova and Ukraine depends on concrete policies harmonization level inside the EU. It means that more intense transfer can be expected in policies where EU has exceptional competence and results might be not so good where decision is made by EU member states governments. To conclude, widened understanding of europeanisation theory allows usage of this theory in EU relations with non members. However, it is important to have in mind that the horizontal mechanism used by the EU is not of the same degree of integration in the case of ENP and to EU member states. Such position creates the situation when ENP members are not obliged to implement recommendations and can quite freely chose to which sectors they should give more attention and priority. Without no doubt EU got involved more deeply in coordinating external trade and external aspects of JHA in ENP countries. The analysis of three cases showed that EU JHA policy is complex and includes different ways how to stimulate Moldova's and Ukraine progress. Better results were reached in entrance to EU Internal Market sector (custom procedures, rules of origin of goods), where EU institutions had higher competence. On the contrary, less achievements were recorded in economic governance sector (intellectual property rights, public procurement), where EU competence is shared with member states. More active EU's policy towards ENP countries in justice and home affairs sphere in 2006-2007 was a result of trying to implement the strategic documents and changes in EU competence in this area during 2001-2005. Better results were made in visa facilitation and readmission area where EU decisions are made by Community method, while despite of very positive evaluation of EUBAM by European Commission and Moldova's and Ukraine experts, most of the results are fragmented and effective cooperation between Moldova's and Ukraine customs has not been achieved until now. As a result, some progress in EU cooperation with ENP countries was seen, but even in the most developed sectors we can talk only about fragmented structural change.

The main argument in this article is that instead of attempting to establish the existence or the non-existence of the European public sphere or public spheres, we could think of Europe as consisting of a multiplicity of networks, each having a public sphere or spheres of their own. The idea of seeing the public sphere from the point of view of networks is critical to the traditional Habermasian idea of conceiving the public sphere as something intrinsically restricted to national boundaries. The social and cultural networks operate in all areas of life. They have developed, transformed, and vastly expanded in time. It is difficult to make clear distinctions between different networks today as they can operate locally, nationally, trans-nationally, regionally, trans-regionally as well as globally. However, from the point of view of democratic theory it is still important to make a separation between these different spatial embodiments of the networks as they all indicate different modalities for democratic polities. Democracy needs to be thought differently on a local or national scale than on the trans-national or global scale. The idea of seeing the public sphere from the point of view of networks is critical to the traditional idea of conceiving the public sphere as something intrinsically restricted to national boundaries. ; Pagrindinė straipsnyje plėtojama idėja yra ta: užuot siekę įrodyti, kad Europoje egzistuoja viešoji erdvė, arba, priešingai, kad viešoji erdvė ar viešosios erdvės dar nesusiformavusios, turėtume žvelgti į Europą kaip į daugialypių tinklų darinį. Šiuose tinkluose – daug savitų viešųjų erdvių. Koncepcija, kuri viešąją sritį siūlo tirti remiantis daugialypių tinklų idėja, kritiškai vertina tradicinį Jürgeno Habermaso po­ žiūrį, kuris traktuoja viešąją sritį kaip darinį, iš esmės ribojamą nacionalinių sienų. Socialiniai ir kultūriniai tinklai plėtojami visose gyvenimo srityse. Laikui bėgant, jie bręsta, kinta, gerokai išsiplečia. Šiandieną sunku aiškiai skirti įvairius tinklus, kurie tinkamai funkcionuoja vietiniame, nacionaliniame, transnacionaliniame, regioniniame, viršregioniniame, taipogi ir globaliame, lygmenyse. Vis dėlto, remiantis demokratijos teorijos principais, svarbu apibrėžti erdvines skirtingų tinklų formas, nes jos visos nusako skirtingus demokratinės politikos modalumus. Demokratija vietiniame arba nacionaliniame lygmenyse turi būti traktuojama kitaip, negu demokratija transnacionaliniame arba globaliame lygmenyse.

The article focuses on the strategic management of digitization in Lithuania. It elaborates on the development process of a conceptual approach to the creation of seamless content of the digital cultural heritage and presents the changing social context and a new paradigm of the legislation on the cultural heritage as well as its financing issues.The period of 2005–2009 should be considered a turning point in the cultural policy of Lithuania as the approval of the Concept for the Digitization of the Lithuanian Cultural Heritage and the Strategy for the Digitization of the Lithuanian Cultural Heritage, Digital Content Preservation and Access and its Implementation Framework in 2009–2013 by the Lithuanian government, which resulted in a new paradigm for the consolidation of memory institutions, oriented to cross-sectoral collaboration in digitizing Lithuania's cultural heritage. These documents also provided more possibilities to receive financial support from the State budget and the EU Structural Funds for the digitization of the national cultural heritage and its long-term preservation and access. The major unsolved problems of the previous period have evolved from the inappropriate interpretation of strategic documents within the institutional environment. When interpreting these documents, conservative non-compatible institutional models were applied for strategic managing. Therefore, digitization was carried out without fully evaluating the social context and consolidating resources, thus resulting in poor quality digitization products, which were unrelated and satisfied the needs of institutions rather than of the users.The environment of the strategic management in the new programming period of 2014–2020 is shaped by the development of the network society, as it is defined by social sciences, the experience of the previous strategic period, and the highest level strategic documents defining the new period. The article also introduces the experience of the Martynas Mažvydas National Library of Lithuania and Vilnius University's Faculty of Communication, activities by these and other twenty main cultural institutions of Lithuania in the development of the cultural and information society policy and the strategic management of cultural heritage digitization, and initiatives within these activities for the 2014–2020 programming period. ; Straipsnio objektas – kultūros paveldo skaitmeninimo strateginis valdymas Lietuvoje. Nagrinėjama, kaip Lietuvoje 2005–2013 metų programavimo laikotarpiu formavosi konceptualus požiūris į skaitmeninto kultūros paveldo vientiso turinio kūrimą, pristatomas besikeičiantis socialinis kontekstas, nauja Lietuvos kultūros paveldo teisinės bazės paradigma ir jos finansavimo klausimai. Straipsnis taip pat supažindina su Lietuvos nacionalinės Martyno Mažvydo bibliotekos ir Vilniaus universiteto Komunikacijos fakulteto ekspertų patirtimi ir šių institucijų bei kitų dvidešimties reikšmingiausių šalies kultūros institucijų veikla plėtojant kultūros ir informacinės visuomenės politiką, kultūros paveldo skaitmeninimo strateginį valdymą ir šios veiklos iniciatyvas 2014–2020 m. programavimo laikotarpiu.

Modern organizations have raised a need to actively and quickly react to the changes in external business environment, as well as in internal processes considering not only the present situation, but also evaluating possible changes and forecasting the future. Enterprise risk assessment and management, which is strongly related with foreseeing the uncertain future, becomes topical not only scientifically, but also practically seeking to reveal new and unique solutions. Operational risk management in small and medium enterprises, creating the largest part of value added in the whole European Union, demands a separate attention and coordinated decisions and means. The objective of the paper – to analyse the process of enterprise risk management in small and medium-sized enterprises, as well as to propose adequate risk management solutions for these companies. After performing a research, it was found out that small and medium enterprises more than big organizations require a risk management strategy and methodology, need to distinguish activity objectives and events influencing them, and they can efficiently apply a risk portfolio method to manage risk. In small and medium enterprises it is recommended to incorporate a risk management system based on COSO ERM model that can be modified depending on company needs and possibilities, turning it into less formal and structured and easily applicable. Įmonės veiklos rizikos vertinimas ir valdymas mažose ir vidutinėse įmonėse Santrauka Pažangių organizacijų veikloje atsirado poreikis aktyviai ir operatyviai reaguoti į pokyčius išorinėje verslo aplinkoje ir vidiniuose procesuose, atsižvelgiant ne tik į esamą padėtį, bet ir siekiant įvertinti galimus pokyčius, prognozuoti ateitį. Įmonės veiklos rizikos vertinimas ir valdymas, glaudžiai susijęs su neapibrėžtos ateities numatymu, tampa aktualus ne tik moksliniu požiūriu, bet ir praktiškai siekiant atrasti naujus ir unikalius sprendimus. Veiklos rizikos valdymas mažose ir vidutinėse įmonėse, kurios sukuria daugiausia pridėtinės vertės Europos Sąjungoje, reikalauja atskiro dėmesio ir suderintų sprendimų bei priemonių. Straipsnio tiks­las – išanalizuoti veiklos rizikos valdymo procesą mažose ir vidutinėse įmonėse, pasiūlyti šioms įmonėms tinkamus rizikos valdymo sprendimus. Atlikus tyrimą nustatyta, kad mažoms ir vidutinėms įmonėms labiau nei didelėms organizacijoms svarbu turėti rizikos valdymo strategiją ir metodiką, išskirti veiklos tikslus ir juos veikiančius įvykius, tikslinga pritaikyti rizikų portfelio metodą rizikai valdyti. Mažose ir vidutinėse įmonėse rekomenduojama diegti rizikos valdymo sistemą remiantis COSO ERM modeliu, kurią galima koreguoti atsižvelgiant į įmonės poreikius ir galimybes, paverčiant ją mažiau formalia ir struktūrizuota bei lengviau pritaikoma. Reikšminiai žodžiai: rizika,rizikos valdymas, rizikos analizė ir vertinimas, rizikos valdymo modelis, COSO ERM, ISO.

Modern organizations have raised a need to actively and quickly react to the changes in external business environment, as well as in internal processes considering not only the present situation, but also evaluating possible changes and forecasting the future. Enterprise risk assessment and management, which is strongly related with foreseeing the uncertain future, becomes topical not only scientifically, but also practically seeking to reveal new and unique solutions. Operational risk management in small and medium enterprises, creating the largest part of value added in the whole European Union, demands a separate attention and coordinated decisions and means. The objective of the paper – to analyse the process of enterprise risk management in small and medium-sized enterprises, as well as to propose adequate risk management solutions for these companies. After performing a research, it was found out that small and medium enterprises more than big organizations require a risk management strategy and methodology, need to distinguish activity objectives and events influencing them, and they can efficiently apply a risk portfolio method to manage risk. In small and medium enterprises it is recommended to incorporate a risk management system based on COSO ERM model that can be modified depending on company needs and possibilities, turning it into less formal and structured and easily applicable. Įmonės veiklos rizikos vertinimas ir valdymas mažose ir vidutinėse įmonėse Santrauka Pažangių organizacijų veikloje atsirado poreikis aktyviai ir operatyviai reaguoti į pokyčius išorinėje verslo aplinkoje ir vidiniuose procesuose, atsižvelgiant ne tik į esamą padėtį, bet ir siekiant įvertinti galimus pokyčius, prognozuoti ateitį. Įmonės veiklos rizikos vertinimas ir valdymas, glaudžiai susijęs su neapibrėžtos ateities numatymu, tampa aktualus ne tik moksliniu požiūriu, bet ir praktiškai siekiant atrasti naujus ir unikalius sprendimus. Veiklos rizikos valdymas mažose ir vidutinėse įmonėse, kurios sukuria daugiausia pridėtinės vertės Europos Sąjungoje, reikalauja atskiro dėmesio ir suderintų sprendimų bei priemonių. Straipsnio tiks­las – išanalizuoti veiklos rizikos valdymo procesą mažose ir vidutinėse įmonėse, pasiūlyti šioms įmonėms tinkamus rizikos valdymo sprendimus. Atlikus tyrimą nustatyta, kad mažoms ir vidutinėms įmonėms labiau nei didelėms organizacijoms svarbu turėti rizikos valdymo strategiją ir metodiką, išskirti veiklos tikslus ir juos veikiančius įvykius, tikslinga pritaikyti rizikų portfelio metodą rizikai valdyti. Mažose ir vidutinėse įmonėse rekomenduojama diegti rizikos valdymo sistemą remiantis COSO ERM modeliu, kurią galima koreguoti atsižvelgiant į įmonės poreikius ir galimybes, paverčiant ją mažiau formalia ir struktūrizuota bei lengviau pritaikoma. Reikšminiai žodžiai: rizika,rizikos valdymas, rizikos analizė ir vertinimas, rizikos valdymo modelis, COSO ERM, ISO.

The subject of the research depending to the his­tory of the librarianship of Lithuania is directly connected to the political and social situation in the state in the beginning of the 19th century and the dispersion of the ideas of the Enlight­enment all over Europe. The article explores various historical sources (library manuscript catalogues, book proveniences, orders of tsar, correspondence of Vilnius University with the imperial administration) to investigate the pe­riod from the time Lithuania was annexed by Russia and Vilnius Jesuit Academy was reorgan­ised to the imperial university in 1803 by tsar Alexander I up to the date Vilnius University activity was interrupted by the orders of tsar Nicholas I in 1832, which coincided with the noticeable alteration in the educational system, new subordination and points of the academi­cal community, changed structure, financing, replenishment methods and finally the partition of Vilnius University library.The main notice of the article is to refer to a description of influence of the imperial govern­ment to the library and Vilnius University com­munity as the most educated part of Lithuanian society of this epoch for compare appropri­ate characteristics with and the substantiality at the end of the 18th century when the local community and its library was under leadership of the order of Jesuits (dissolved in Europe in 1773) to examine existing positive estimations of the traditional historiography on the issue. The research covers some directions of Vilnius academical community activity under chang­ing conditions related to the replenishing of the library (using traditional and the new forms), management, catalogues rewriting, imperial censorship, propaganda and the painful parti­tion of book collection confiscated from the closed Vilnius University and lifted to Kiev and Charkov universities, the gymnasium of Orsha (now – Mogilev district, Belarus) and to other libraries of the empire of Russia.After the detailed analysis of significant historical documents kept in Lithuanian State Historical Archive and Vilnius University Li­brary it is recovered the negative impact of the Russian imperial Government authority both for the local community and its library as well. It is disclosed that next to particular progres­sive changes in the field of the library financing and replenishing of the book collection by Eu­ropean science papers and popular periodicals, such as "Journal des sçavans" by D. De Sallo (Paris, 1665–1797), "Allgemaine Literatur Zei­tung" by F. J. J. Bertuch (Halle, 1804–1849), "Bibliotheca italiana, o sia Giornale di letter­atura scienze ed arti compilato da vari letterati" (Milano, 1816–1840), "The Repository of Arts, Literature, Commerce, Manufacturers, Fash­ions and Politics" by R. Ackermann (London, 1809–1829), "The Repertory of patent inven­tions, and other discoveries and improvements in arts, manufactures, and agriculture" (Lon­don, 1825–1862), "The Annals, Edinbourgh Medical und Surgical Journal" (Edinbourgh, 1805–1855, etc.). The Russian imperial au­thorities forwarded significant loses of values, changed essential points of members of the local academical community, limitated the access of works of modern European authors (Voltaire, C. F. de Volney, P. H. Holbach, D. Diderot, etc.) and influenced the straitening of disper­sion of ideas of the Enlightenment, influenced the obsolescence of Vilnius University library and the noticeable interruption of development of the traditional European librarianship in Vil-nius social environment. ; Vilniaus universiteto Bibliotekininkystės ir informacijos mokslų institutasUniversiteto g. 3, LT-01511 Vilnius, LietuvaEl. paštas: asta.krakyte@mb.vu.ltStraipsnyje analizuojama XIX a. pirmosios pusės Vilniaus akademinės bendruomenės ir jos bibliotekos būklė, nulemta centralizuoto Rusijos imperijos administracijos valdymo, sietino ne tik su pakitusiu statusu, pavaldumu ir finansavimu, bet ir su nauja bendruomenės struktūra, pasikeitusia savimone, universiteto personalo kontrole, griežta leidžiamų ir iš užsienio gaunamų knygų cenzūra, o galiausiai – su universiteto uždarymu ir jo turto (taip pat ir bibliotekos) padalijimu carinės Rusijos mokslo, švietimo ir kitų įstaigų bibliotekoms. Remiantis Lietuvos valstybės istorijos archyve ir Vilniaus universiteto bibliotekoje saugomais dokumentais nustatyta, kad nuo XIX a. istoriografijoje įsigalėjusi tendencija idealizuoti Vilniaus akademinės bendruomenės ir jos bibliotekos raidą tiriamuoju laikotarpiu yra nepagrįsta, – imperinis valdymas turėjo neigiamą įtaką bibliotekos komplektavimui, nes apribojo Apšvietos epochos idėjas atspindinčių veikalų sklaidą miesto sociokultūrinėje erdvėje, skatino hipertrofuotą fondų didėjimą menkaverčių leidinių pagrindu, aplaidų bibliotekos tvarkymą po 1831 m. ir sunaikino vietos bendruomenės puoselėtas europietiškos bibiotekininkystės tradicijas.