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"Canadian Multiculturalism and the Far Right examines a neglected aspect of the history of 20th century Canadian multiculturalism and the far right to illuminate the ideological foundations of the concept of 'third force'. Focusing on the particular thought of ultra-conservative Ukrainian Canadian Walter J. Bossy during his time in Montreal (1931-1970s), this book demonstrates that the idea that Canada was composed of three equally important groups emerged from a context defined by reactionary ideas on ethnic diversity and integration. Two broad questions shape this research: first, what the meaning originally attached to the idea of a 'third force' was, and what the intentions behind the conceptualization of a trichotomic Canada were; and second, whether Bossy's understanding of the 'third force' precedes, or is related in any way to, postwar debates on liberal multiculturalism at the core of which was the existence of a 'third force'. This book will be of interest to students and researchers of multiculturalism, radical-right ideology and the far right, and Canadian history and politics"--

Thirty years ago, Anthony Downs spelled out a spatial theory of party competition that was already familiar, especially in continental European politics, dating back to the invention of the concepts "Left" and "Right" during the French Revolution. Despite the availability of the Left/Right scale as an empirical instrument, relevant research has failed to become cumulative, taking three divergent directions: one concentrating on ideology, another on self-placement data, and yet another on abstract mathematical models. When these isolated approaches are eventually integrated, it may indeed be shown that spatial theory is "a complete scientific theory," as was recently claimed. The Left/Right spatial framework holds such a promise even though some of the objections it has raised represent a true challenge for future research.

The relationship between Left-Right political orientations, issue positions, & partisanship is examined in an attempt to determine whether the partisan component of Left-Right scales hinders the determination of the issue placement on such scales. Survey data collected in 1979 from citizens of 8 Western European nations were analyzed for measurement of partisanship, Left-Right self-placement, & attitudes toward issues. Distance measurements of polarization were made, & a regression model was used to test whether partisanship & issues affect the Left-Right orientation scale. Results show that ideological polarization did reflect polarization according to issue. 6 Tables, 1 Figure, 1 Appendix, 28 References. A. Cole

The systematic investigation of party-projected images is a relatively recent development in political science. Past studies into this subject have largely dealt with the perceptions of political parties held by various groups, and the perceived mobility of the parties over time with regard to selected dimensions. For the determination of party images held by individuals, most previous works in the field have made use of the semantic differential technique pioneered by Osgood, Suci, and Tannenbaum. This approach consists of respondents being asked to rank political parties along a number of seven-point scales, each demarcated by a pair of antonyms such as "good-bad" or "slow-fast." Tests confirming the reliability, validity and comparability of the measure have also been conducted by Osgood et al., as found in The Measurement of Meaning.

Using different evaluation targets (i.e., politicians' pictures, ideological words, items referring to features attributed to political ingroup/outgroup) we characterized the intergroup bias among political groups in the Italian context (Study 1-2-3) and tested a model that may account for the bias itself (Study 3). For all evaluation targets, left-wing participants - compared to right-wing participants – showed a greater intergroup bias, expressing more negative emotions toward the outgroup. The process was influenced by a greater perceived threat of the outgroup. Conversely, right-wing participants expressed the bias only when presented with ideological words. Our results provide a detailed description of how intergroup bias in Italy is differently expressed by the two ideological groups depending on the targets used to represent the political counterpart. Moreover, the results show that the stronger bias expressed by left-wing participants is driven by perceived threat of the outgroup.

Post-Tiananmen neo-left and neo-right theorizing is characterized by a new emphasis on central power and normative legitimacy to redress the problems of ideological and political fragmentation associated with reform. This development has strengthened the Chinese government but also undermined the Communist Party's role as the fount of ideological authority.