Suchergebnisse

The growing interest in archaeologies of the recent past has included attempts to link archaeology with memory in its various forms but has lacked a coherent theoretical and methodological approach. This paper outlines a model for engaging with memory in the archaeology of the Second World War, drawing on recent work in memory studies and oral history. One of the principal pitfalls in memory work is the conflation and confusion of individual and social memory: in this paper I attempt to identify and outline different forms or scales of memory: individual memory, group narratives, and social memorialisation. If we distinguish between these models in relation to Second World War archaeological sites we can assess their accuracy and usefulness and begin to trace the intricate power relations implicit in memory work. The sites in question, a Nazi prison in Berlin and a Prisoner of War camp in Poland, illustrate the contested and highly politicised nature of memory-based work and archaeological studies of this period. By opening up such sites to the popular gaze, archaeologists have the power to bring these debates into the public sphere, potentially undermining the hegemony of officially sanctioned memory and making the production of meaningful pasts a more inclusive process.

The course of military operations determined Sweden's role in Polish policy as an evacuation destination, a shelter for refugees, an important junction for communication with the Polish occupied territories and as a suitable partner in the process of the future economic restoration of Poland. Dreamers & Opportunists is based on a vast range of sources from Polish, Swedish, and British archives, the Swedish press and the Polish exile press providing a coherent picture of Polish–Swedish relations during the Second World War. It brings new dimensions in a debate concerning Swedish policy during the period

A definitive book on German naval bases during the Second World War, written by an expert on the Kriegsmarines. The author interviewed thousands of veterans over a forty-year period while researching this book, and the book is illustrated with many previously unpublished photographs from the period.

"The construction in the 1940s of hydroelectric dams and reservoirs, Lakes Manouan and Passe Dangereuse, were enormous projects that had consequences not only on the environment but also on international affairs. Built by the Aluminium Company of Canada (Rio Tinto Alcan), the project helped meet the American and Allied Forces demand for electrical power and aluminium ingot during the Second World War but also forced Innu/Montagnais hunter-trappers from their ancestral lands

In 1974 Nigeria will host the Second World Black Festival of Arts and Culture in Lagos. The first World Festival of Negro Arts was held in Dakar, Senegal, in 1966, and Nigeria was then honored with the role of "Star Country." In agreeing to host the Second Festival, the Nigerian government is fully aware that the 1974 Festival will be the greatest concourse of black peoples from different continents in the entire history of the black man, and it is therefore determined to ensure that the Festival will contribute significantly to the enhancement of black communion and the resurgence of the artistic and cultural civilization of the black peoples of the world.

This essay outlines key cases of sports diplomacy practiced by Japan with the assistance of the Allied Occupation Authorities after the Second World War. Both Japan and the occupation overlord employed sports to good effect as a tool for reshaping Japan's national image as one of a rule-abiding civilized society and buttressing the idea of US–Japanese friendship during the Cold War. Both amateur and professional sports heroes played a part in these binational efforts.

For political reasons, the Spanish dictator Francisco Franco limited the number of civilian Spanish workers sent to Germany during the Second World War. Despite agreeing to send 100,000, the number of workers never exceeded 9,550. Their impact on the German war economy was small. This paper demonstrates that, in limiting worker transfers, Franco went against his own economic incentives, considering that the Spanish government was taking a commission from the workers' remittances. By limiting the number of workers sent, Franco satisfied the Allies' pressure to minimise cooperation with Germany. In support of this argument, this article offers updated estimates for the number of workers, their skill levels and remittances. It also provides the first estimates of Spanish costs and income from the programme. ; Durante la Segunda Guerra Mundial, el dictador español Francisco Franco limitó, por razones políticas, el número de trabajadores civiles españoles enviados a Alemania. Aunque se pactó el envío de 100.000 trabajadores a Alemania, el número actual nunca superó los 9.550. Consecuentemente, el impacto de trabajadores españoles en la economía de guerra alemana fue bajo. Este artículo muestra que, limitando las transferencias de trabajadores a Alemania, Francisco Franco estaba actuando en contra a sus propios incentivos económicos, ya que el Gobierno de España recibía una comisión de las remesas. Al limitar el número de trabajadores, Franco cedió a la presión aliada, que estimulaba minimizar la cooperación con Alemania. Para dar soporte a este argumento, éste artículo ofrece estimaciones actualizadas del número de trabajadores, sus calificaciones y sus remesas. El artículo también brinda las primeras estimaciones del coste y beneficio de este programa para el Gobierno español.

At the outbreak of the Second World War, Poland was a quasi-military State undergoing rapid political and social change. Nevertheless, Britain signed an agreement with the country as part of its decision to adopt a policy of encircling Germany: a resolution requiring an ally in the East. On the collapse of Poland in October 1939, the country's political opposition executed a coup against the Polish Government and formed a new administration, which was recognised by the Allies as the Polish Government in Exile. This regime change precipitated a feud between the supporters of the new and old governments, which lasted throughout the war. In 1945, the British removed their recognition of the exiled government - now based in London - to pave the way for the Soviet Union to impose a communist administration in Poland. However striking and fateful these events were, the history of how regime change came to Britain's Polish ally has largely been ignored until now

It is generally accepted that Britain was held together during the second world war by a spirit of national democratic `consensus'. But whose interests did the consensus serve? And how did it unravel in the years immediately after victory? This well observed and powerfully argued book overturns many of our assumptions about the national spirit of 1939-45. It shows that the current return to right-wing politics in Britain was prefigured by ideologies of change during and immediately after the war.

"This unique book analyses how the Second World War is remembered within Singapore, by shedding light on the manifold politics associated with the commemoration of wars not only within an Asian, but also a multiracial and multi-religious postcolonial context. It is based on archival and empirical data drawn from case studies in Singapore themed along different conceptual lenses including ethnicity; gender; postcoloniality; tourism and postmodernity; personal mourning; transnational remembrances and politics; virtual memory communities; and the preservation of original sites, stories and artefacts of war"--Provided by publisher

Introduction: 'The Ties of Kinship' -- 'Céad Míle Fáilte': One Hundred Thousand Welcomes! -- 'Stepping Stone to Berlin': The US military in Northern Ireland -- 'Absolute and Executive Jurisdiction': Policing and Managing the Yanks -- 'If you can't see the hills': Occupying the Occupiers -- 'My own country overrun': Irish Nationalism and the American presence -- 'To clear this territory of such forces': The IRA and the Americans -- 'Developments in Northern Ireland': The Belfast Consulate and the War -- 'Johnny Doughboy met a Rose in Ireland': Women and the Americans -- 'Dusky Doughboys': Jim Crow racism in Northern Ireland -- 'A Testy Old Gentleman': David Gray, Hyphenated-Americans and Partition -- 'Ulster Had a Hand in the First Independence Day': Ulster-American Revivalism and the Second World War -- 'Letters from Ulster': Propaganda, Memory and the Americans -- Conclusion: 'Without Northern Ireland'.

The past twenty years have seen the rapid growth of a new branch of international history, the serious academic study of secret services or 'intelligence history' with its attendant specialist conferences and journals. Two main causes for this development can be identified. The first was conceptual, namely the increasing recognition that the study of international history was greatly impoverished by the reluctance of academic historians to address a subject which appeared capable of shedding considerable light upon the conduct of international affairs. Two leading historians underlined this during 1982 in a path-breaking collection of essays on the subject, suggesting that intelligence was the 'missing dimension' of most international history. The second development was a more practical one, the introduction of the Thirty Year Rule during the 1970s, bringing with it an avalanche of new documentation, which, within a few years, was recognized as containing a great deal of intelligence material. In the 1980s historians had begun to turn their attention in increasing numbers to the intelligence history of the mid-twentieth century. They were further assisted in their endeavours by the appearance of the first volumes of the official history of British Intelligence in the Second World War.

The Second World War widows were the 'forgotten women', largely ignored by the government and the majority of the population. The men who died in the service of their country were rightly honoured, but the widows and orphans they left behind were soon forgotten. During the war and afterwards in post-war austerity Britain their lives were particularly bleak. The meagre pensions they were given were taxed at the highest rate and gave them barely enough to keep body and soul together, let alone look after their children. Through their diaries, letters and personal interviews we are given an insig

Radicals in America is a masterful history of controversial dissenters who pursued greater equality, freedom and democracy - and transformed the nation. Written with clarity and verve, Radicals in America shows how radical leftists, while often marginal or ostracized, could assume a catalytic role as effective organizers in mass movements, fostering the imagination of alternative futures. Beginning with the Second World War, Radicals in America extends all the way down to the present, making it the first comprehensive history of radicalism to reach beyond the sixties. From the Communist Party and the Black Panther Party for Self-Defense, its coverage extends to the Battle of Seattle and Occupy Wall Street. Each chapter begins with a particular life story, including a Harlem woman deported in the McCarthy era, a gay Japanese-American opponent of the Vietnam War, and a Native American environmentalist, vignettes that bring to life the personal within the political