Pazifistisches Denken gilt als veraltet, wenn nicht gar als naiv und unmoralisch, wie die jüngst bemühte, skandalöse Vokabel des "Lumpenpazifismus" bezeugt. Populär ist dagegen eine neue politische Entschlossenheit, die den Krieg als Mittel der Friedenssicherung verklärt. Heinz Klippert beleuchtet die Hintergründe menschlicher Destruktivität, kommentiert die Aufrüstungs-, Entspannungs- und Friedenspolitik nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg und plädiert für einen reflektierten Pazifismus, der Waffeneinsätze zwar nicht ausschließt, wohl aber dem sensiblen Hinterfragen, Verstehen und Deeskalieren internationaler Konflikte die absolute Priorität zuweist. Das Buch richtet sich an alle, die der Alternativlosigkeit politischer und militärischer Konfrontation widersprechen und pazifistische Denkweisen retten möchten. Denn Schwarz-Weiß-Malerei bringt keinen Frieden!
Warum schließen sich in Deutschland sozialisierte junge Frauen salafitischen Gruppierungen an? Welche biographischen Funktionen werden durch Hinwendungsprozesse zur fundamentalistischen Ideologie des Salafismus erfüllt, welche Bedürfnisse hierdurch befriedigt? Laura Dickmann-Kacskovics zeichnet auf Basis narrativer Interviews mit Anhängerinnen des Salafismus einzelne Lebensgeschichten sowie Handlungs- und Orientierungsmuster junger Salafitinnen nach. Ihre Erkenntnisse über die Hinwendungsprozesse zum Fundamentalismus bieten eine empirisch fundierte Grundlage, auf der geschlechterspezifische Angebote der Prävention und Distanzierung vom (gewaltlegitimierenden) Salafismus entwickelt werden können.
Saerom Han provides a reassessment of Tunisian democratisation by exploring why and how unemployed protesters became articulated with the so-called 'War on Terror' within a liberal democratic framework. This book is the first attempt to critically examine the relationship between democratisation and securitisation in Tunisia. It also provides a novel way of thinking about socioeconomic protests in and beyond Tunisia by discussing how their rationalities and techniques can sustain and at the same time challenge the neoliberal regime of power. Drawing on field research and a Foucauldian approach to democracy, resistance and security, this book situates the democracy-security nexus in the context of the neoliberal regime. It shows that the dominant counter-terrorism practices, rather than being a threat to democracy, partly served as a governing mechanism for a neoliberal modality of democracy by managing 'problematic' actors such as unemployed protesters who demanded radical changes in political and economic orders. This book also discusses how the protesters reproduced and at the same time challenged the ways that they were securitised, complicating the relationship between domination and resistance in post-2011 Tunisia.
The post-Arab Spring collapse of decades-old regimes inaugurated a decade of re-shaping for the geopolitical order in the Middle East and North Africa region. A multipolar disorder ensued, solidified by the COVID-19 pandemic and the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022. Amid general bewilderment, the small monarchies of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) spent the decade between 2011 and 2022 trying to re-shape regional equilibria as protagonists. This book applies an original theoretical framework to unpack the threat perceptions and strategic calculus driving the behaviour of these new impactful regional players. Six chapters look at the six GCC monarchies individually. The author challenges commonly held narratives and goes beyond attention-grabbing headlines and thus provides reading keys to the past, present and future of policy-making in the Gulf monarchies, middle powers destined to play an oversized role in the new multipolar world.
The continuing Darfur War has caused mass displacement since 2003, with hundreds of thousands driven from their homes and many forced into refugee camps in western Sudan and neighbouring Chad. Building on twenty years of research in the region, Andrea Behrends tracks the repercussions of this conflict - sometimes referred to as the 'first genocide of the twenty-first century' - for those living through it: those who stayed put, those who fled from rural areas to towns, those who moved to refugee camps, and those who fought. Telling the story of everyday survival on the Chad–Sudan border, an area central to state politics in the larger region, her account sheds light on how people create belonging, exchange knowledge, develop new practices and build futures in the face of extreme uncertainty. Departing from the focus on large-scale humanitarian and military interventions associated with 'states of emergency', Behrends highlights the forms of cooperation and mutual knowledge production that emerge on the ground in these lifeworlds in crisis. She combines meticulous ethnographic description with theoretically grounded arguments to offer a pioneering study of how individuals have anticipated, survived and adapted to recurring crises and war in one of the world's most economically marginalised regions. Based on two decades of fieldwork, an anthropologist's revealing exploration of conflict, displacement and cooperation at the margins of the state.
This book focusses on recent and emerging techniques for enhancement of smart healthcare, smart communication, and smart transportation system. It covers topics ranging from Machine learning techniques, IoT, Security aspects of medical documents, Performance of various protocols used in the communication and transportation environment.
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Equal access to reliable information is essential for democracy and social cohesion. The rise of information pollution, particularly in digital spaces, poses significant challenges to democratic societies worldwide. While extensive research has focused on its impact in developed, English-speaking democracies, there is a gap in understanding its effects in younger democracies, conflict zones, and less developed contexts. This study fills that gap by analysing Mexico as a case study. Based on interviews with Mexican media professionals, public sector officials, academics and human rights defenders, the study provides insights on the root causes of the problem and and strategies to combat information pollution, safeguard democracy, and promote social cohesion, underscoring the urgency of proactive measures both within Mexico and on a global scale in Mexico, information pollution significantly threatens the country's social cohesion and democratic principles. Structural conditions like poverty, inequality, violence, corruption, and media landscape issues enable societal vulnerability to digital information pollution. Factors directly driving information pollution include the exploitation of digital spaces by drug cartels, divisive narratives against marginalised groups, an increasingly media-hostile environment as well as the incumbent government's post-factual approach to reality and politics. Information pollution has fostered a polarised discours, contributed to eroding trust in traditional media and amplified identity-based societal cleavages. It weakens the deliberative, participatory and liberal dimensions of democracy dimensions by decreasing the quality of public debate, damaging civil society watchdog roles, and reducing government transparency and accountability. Recommendations for Mexico encompass enhancing public resilience to information through civic education and targeted communication campaigns, empowering media capacity, and fortifying an open data culture in the Mexican public sector. Internationally, efforts should address elite-driven information pollution by reinforcing independent accountability institutions and leveraging diplomatic and economic incentives against leaders attacking these institutions.
Recent decades have shown an unprecedented growth in demand for resources, with a trend that is projected to accelerate in the future. Policymakers around the world have started to recognise that transitioning to a more resource-efficient and circular economy (CE) is key to addressing this challenge. Two important enablers for the transition to a CE are circular business models (CBMs) and consumers. The two are interlinked, as demand shifts among consumers can foster the development and supply of new business models, which in turn require the uptake by consumers to be successful. To promote the development and increase the uptake of new CBMs, policymakers need to provide the respective regulatory frameworks and incentives. Doing so requires systemic policy mixes that go beyond encouraging technological innovations and include targeting the demand side as well. This paper zooms in on the role of the consumer for CBMs, discusses potential consumer barriers to CBM demand, and outlines how policy-making can address these barriers by applying systemic mixes of instruments to tackle the macro-, meso-, and micro-level factors that influence consumer demand simultaneously. While the macro-level describes the economic context of consumers' decision-making, that is, the availability and supply, infrastructure and price of CBMs in the market, the meso-level characterises the social environment, including social norms and social status, whereas the micro-level focuses on individual characteristics such as consumption habits, security and quality concerns, and environmental knowledge or concern. This paper illustrates how the different consumer barriers are closely interlinked, and that, ideally, policymakers should target all three levels jointly to encourage CBM demand most effectively. In doing so, policymakers should consider the principles of the waste hierarchy in order to maximise the environmental benefits of CE policy mixes. The paper mostly takes a European perspective on the topic, especially when discussing relevant policy frameworks, and reflects on potential differences to other regions, particularly in the Global South, when appropriate
