Suchergebnisse

The definition of the ideal numbers and distribution of human resources required for control of road traffic injury (RTI) is not as advanced as for other health problems. We can nonetheless identify functions that need to be addressed across the spectrum of injury control: surveillance; road safety (including infrastructure, vehicle design, and behaviour); and trauma care. Many low-cost strategies to improve these functions in low- or middle-income countries can be identified. For all these strategies, there is need for adequate institutional capacity, including funding, legal authority, and human resources. Several categories of human resources need to be developed: epidemiologists who can handle injury data, design surveillance systems, and undertake research; engineers and planners versed in safety aspects of road design, traffic flow, urban planning, and vehicle design; police and lawyers who understand the health impact of traffic law; clinicians who can develop cost-effective improvements in the entire system of trauma treatment; media experts to undertake effective behaviour change and social marketing; and economists to assist with cost-effectiveness evaluations. RTI control can be strengthened by enhancing such training in these disciplines, as well as encouraging retention of those who have the needed skills. Mechanisms to enhance collaboration between these different fields need to be promoted. Finally, the burden of RTI is borne disproportionately by the poor; in addition to technical issues, more profound equity issues must be addressed. This mandates that people from all professional backgrounds who work for RTI control should develop skills in advocacy and politics.

AbstractThe purpose of this essay is to analyse Norway's celebration/commemoration of the hundredth anniversary of the dissolution of the union with Sweden. Recent data from the documentation project "Dokumentasjon 2005" until summer 2005 is taken as the point of departure. The hundredth anniversary is understood within the context of a broader "wave of jubilee celebrations" found in both Europe and the US in the last decades. The Norwegian 2005 anniversary is discussed on basically two theoretical perspectives: - Anniversaries seen as culture of memory and politics of memory, where interpretations of the future become arguments in currently political messages. - Anniversaries seen as public events, where the symbolic and ritual dimensions in the celebrations are given special attention. The essay includes a comparison between the Norwegian centennial anniversary and the Danish anniversaries of the constitution in 1949 and 1999. The authors conclude that, so far, the hundredth anniversary has been marked by the following characteristics: - a pluralistic, syncretistic culture of jubilees that is characterised by a rich and heterogenic display of activities, but also a blurred profile and poor economic management, - a tension between celebration and debate/criticism in the official anni-­versary program, - that actual and relevant political conflicts (Norwegian relations with the EU) are made a taboo in order to make the anniversary an event that unites people, causes a political vacuum where the EU resistence movement may use the opportunity to demonstrate their resistance to new unions.Keywords: celebration, symbolic, public event, anniversaries

Each Nazi ghetto was different, and each Nazi ghetto was the same. The historian's task is to reconstruct the life of each ghetto in relation to its past, specific surroundings, and chronology of destruction. In terms of size, location, demography, languages, and politics, Vilna was as different from Warsaw as Warsaw was from Lodz. Samuel Kassow, in his meticulous comparison of the two great ghetto diaries by Herman Kruk and Emanuel Ringelblum, has demonstrated that without knowledge of the Polish language (for example), one cannot understand the inner working of the Warsaw ghetto. In Vilna, by contrast, a knowledge of Yiddish and Hebrew is sufficient. However, the various forms of Jewish self-expression in the Vilna ghetto were quite similar to those of other ghettos: theater and cabaret, concerts and choirs, sermons and communal prayer, eulogies, classes for children and adults, journalism, public lectures and colloquia, scholarship, sports, popular songs, epic and lyric poetry, the graphic arts, proclamations, and diaries. What is more astounding: the comprehensive scope of this list, a whole culture reconstituting itself in the face of total destruction; its internal coherence"•the same forms everywhere"•testifying to the extraordinary viability of Jewish culture throughout central and Eastern Europe; or the degree to which secular modes of self-expression so far outweighed the classical forms? Other than sermons and communal prayer, eulogies, and popular songs, these forms of self-expression had entered the culture of Yiddish-speaking Jews barely a century before"•and some, such as sports and proclamations, much more recently than that.

"This book explores the relationship between the law and pervasive and persistent reasonable disagreement about justice. It reveals the central moral function and creative force of reasonable disagreement in and about the law and shows why and how lawyers and legal philosophers should take reasonable conflict more seriously. Even though the law should be regarded as the primary mode of settlement of our moral conflicts,it can, and should, also be the object and the forum of further moral conflicts. There is more to the rule of law than convergence and determinacy and it is important therefore to question the importance of agreement in law and politics. By addressing in detail issues pertaining to the nature and sources of disagreement, its extent and significance, as well as the procedural, institutional and substantive responses to disagreement in the law and their legitimacy, this book suggests the value of a comprehensive approach to thinking about conflict, which until recently has been analysed in a compartmentalized way. It aims to provide a fully-fledged political morality of conflict by drawing on the analysis of topical jurisprudential questions in the new light of disagreement. Developing such a global theory of disagreement in the law should be read in the context of the broader effort of reconstructing a complete account of democratic law-making in pluralistic societies. The book will be of value not only to legal philosophers and constitutional theorists, but also to political and democratic theorists, as well as to all those interested in public decision-making in conditions of conflict."--Bloomsbury Publishing

La crisis de gobernabilidad democrática que hoy viven tantos países latinoamericanos procede de la incapacidad del sistema político y del Estado para resolver, de modo pacífico y duradero, el conflicto distributivo. La democratización ha cambiado la estructura y los costos de organización y participación política y, con ello, ha generado una ampliación del mapa de actores y conflictos. Pero, ante la debilidad institucional de los partidos políticos, su crisis de representatividad, su notoria incapacidad programática y su propensión a gestionar clientelarmente los conflictos, las instituciones democráticas tienen grandes dificultades para poner en marcha las políticas que el desarrollo requiere. Ante esto, en el texto se plantea que una de las condiciones para que se pueda construir gobernabilidad democrática nacional y gobernanza democrática global, es que se recupere la conciencia y la confianza en la política, como una excelente y civilizadora actividad humana. ; The democratic gobernability crisis that so many Latin Americans countries are living in today comes from the incapacity of the political system and the State to solve in a pacific and long lasting way the distributive conflict. The democratization has changed the structure and the organization costs and the political participation and with it came an extensión of the actors and conflicts. Considering the institutional weakness of the political parties, its representative crisis, their clear programmatic incapacity and their tendency to manage the conflicts to their own benefits, the democratic institutions have great difficulties to put into practice these politics that the development require.

The ramifications for Norwegian foreign policy, as a non-member of the European Union, are radically changed since the Cold War. The world has changed from a bipolar order with the US as a conserving superpower, to a unipolar world with the US as a radical superpower. 11 September 2001, & the following war on terrorism, has been a catalyst in this respect. As a result the US is today relating to international institutions as far as they are instrumental in the enhancement of American values & interests. The alliance between the US & Norway today lacks a common denominator. The threat from the east is gone. Still, Norwegian foreign policy & alliance orientation is very much the same as before. Why? Is it because reorientation for foreign policy comes harder in Norway than elsewhere? Historically, foreign policy in Norway has been more a question of administration than one of policy making. Furthermore, broad political consensus on foreign policy is a main political objective in itself. This has left little room for public & political discourse on foreign policy. The benefit is stability. The cost is reduced ability to adapt to radical international changes. A third factor is the ever-lasting question of Norwegian EU membership, which has made interest-based foreign policy more difficult. Norway outside the power blocs of international politics must balance on the interests of other states. Therefore, a clear understanding of Norwegian interests in 2005 -- outside the EU & dc-linked from the reflexes of the Cold War -- is needed. 10 References. Adapted from the source document.

The Caucasus was drawn into the sphere of international politics in the 1990s and has remained there ever since. Along with Yugoslavia it owes its international prominence to the acute ethnic and political conflicts and wars on its territory. Its geographic, ethnic, linguistic, confessional, and cultural diversity has largely determined its history and the relations among its nations. It is not for nothing that the Caucasus is called a "museum of nations:" it is home to over 50 large and small nations and ethnic groups (about 20 million people in all). The smallest number several hundreds, while the largest ethnic groups have several million people. At all times the region remained a link between Europe and Asia; throughout its history the Caucasus or its regions were either a buffer zone between the rivaling empires or part of them. Rome, Parthia, Byzantium, Arabs, Mongols, Turks, the Iranian, Ottoman, and Russian empires all met or clashed here. Confessional and ethnic diversity is another of the region's prominent features: there are Christians and Muslims (Sunni and Shi'a), as well as peoples belonging to various Indo-European groups, the Iberian-Caucasian, Turkic, and Semitic ethnic and language groups. The Caucasus is home to the four world religions: Christianity represented mainly by Orthodoxy and Monophysitism and a small number of Catholics and Protestants; Sunni and Shi'a Islam; Judaism practiced by the Georgian and mountain Jews (the latter living mainly high up in the mountains of Azerbaijan and Daghestan), and Buddhism, the religion of the Kalmyks.

With the rhetoric in international management espousing the value of being able to access and capitalise on the knowledge of a workforce with international experience in order to compete globally and the need to embrace diversity (including cultural or ethnic diversity) in and across organisations, this paper discusses the findings from a qualitative research undertaking where senior and middle managers working for multinational organisations in a cross-section of industry sectors were interviewed. A total of twenty in-depth interviews were conducted with "foreign" managers based in Europe, the majority hired on local contracts. The findings presented in this paper outline the value of following an international career from the personal viewpoint. The interviewees' perceptions of their additional competency of multicultural experience and the corresponding value recognition by their employers are also described. While most participants in the study acknowledge their international status as having been a factor in their recruitment and professional role within the organisation, the opportunities for hierarchical advancement within their employing organisations are contingent on the respective country job market conditions and policies and internal politics which at times appear prejudiced against the "foreign" workforce. This naturally has repercussions for the retention of key employees which have the international acumen supposedly of major importance for multinational organisations operating in the global economy. Where strategic human resource management propounds the competitive advantage organisations can achieve through the effective use of their human capital, this paper discusses the "reality" as perceived by the interviewees in this study, outlining the implications for strategic human resource management in practice.

Objetivo: Identificar los principales actores que promovieron el tema violencia contra las mujeres en los espacios discursivos mediático y político español. Metodología: Análisis de contenido cuantitativo de 1491 noticias publicadas en El País, El Mundo, ABC y Diario Información de Alicante entre 1997 y 2001, y 174 iniciativas parlamentarias. Análisis de Resultados: La presencia del tema en la prensa y los debates parlamentarios entre 1997 y 2001 fue creciente y constante. Destacan mujeres periodistas, políticas y feministas como fuentes informativas principales. En el Parlamento, el tema fue con mayor frecuencia propuesto por los partidos de la oposición, sobre todo por las mujeres políticas. Conclusión: La violencia contra las mujeres es un problema social, que parece permanecer en la agenda de las mujeres. ; This article aims to identify the people who raise the issue of gender violence in the discursive spheres of the media and politics in Spain. The method involves the quantitative analysis of contents from 1491 news stories published in the national newspapers El País, El Mundo, and ABC, as well as the local newspaper Información (Alicante), between 1997 and 2001, and of 174 parliamentary initiatives. The analysis reveals that the topic was increasingly present in press and parliamentary debates from 1997 to 2001. The most important informative sources were female journalists and politicians, and feminists. In parliament, the topic was most frequently raised by non-governing parties, especially by female politicians. We conclude that gender violence is a social problem which appears to remain essentially a female concern.