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Neutrality versus support of the British Commonwealth was the issue which confronted the Union of South Africa when Great Britain, on September 3, 1939, went to war with Germany. A glance at recent South African political history will assist the reader in understanding the significance of the political crisis which marked the Union's entry into the conflict. As the outcome of an earlier crisis at the end of 1932, when South Africa abandoned the gold standard, a Coalition Government headed by two Boer generals was formed. Genaral Hertzog, leader of the Afrikaans-speaking Nationalist party, who had been prime minister in the preceding Nationalist-Laborite Pact Government, continued in the premiership. The post of deputy prime minister in the Coalition Cabinet was taken by General Smuts, the head of the South African party (made up of both Afrikaans and Englishspeaking elements of the population), which had formed the Opposition to the Pact Government. When this Coalition of 1933 was welded into Fusion by the formation of the United party in 1934, the rô1e of the official Opposition was assumed by the extreme Nationalists under Dr. Malan. Minor parties in Parliament were the Laborites and the Dominion party, an offshoot of the South African party with strong pro-British sentiments.

Gli studiosi da più parti hanno tentato di sistematizzare ed interpretare il complesso, e talvolta tortuoso, percorso di riforma che ha interessato la pubblica amministrazione italiana da oltre un ventennio, ricorrendo a paradigmi teorici già applicati in contesti internazionali. Tra questi, quello dell'accountability, nei suoi diversi profili e nell'ambito della teoria dell'agenzia, ha senz'altro rivestito uno dei più impiegati (Grey & Jenkins, 1993). Il tema è stato studiato ed analizzato da diversi punti di vista ma per quanto rileva ai fini del presente lavoro, l'ambito della political accountability appare quello più coerente poiché si riferisce alla responsabilità dei soggetti chiamati a gestire risorse pubbliche nell'operare nell'interesse della collettività e nell'essere responsabili per le proprie azioni. In questa prospettiva una delle esigenze più attuali è quella di instaurare un rapporto di comunicazione tra amministratori e cittadini che si inserisce nella logica della "resa del conto", tipica delle esperienze di rendicontazione innovativa come il rendiconto semplificato per il cittadino. L'obiettivo complessivo di queste esperienze è quello di innalzare il livello di trasparenza della gestione degli enti locali (Caperchione & Pezzani, 2000) trasformando la gestione dell'amministrazione in una "casa di vetro" all'interno della quale ogni stakeholder possa agevolmente individuare le informazioni di proprio interesse.

This article examines the public debate on reproductive technologies in contemporary Poland, focusing on the rhetoricalstrategies used by the main opponents of IVF: conservative politicians representing the leading parties in the Polish parliament andthe representatives of the Catholic Church. The analysis highlights the exclusionary logic inscribed in the construction of the maincategories of political subjects in this debate, revealing important limitations of reproductive citizenship in the Polish context. Thestudy draws on a variety of texts published in print and electronic media between 2007 and 2015, including articles on infertility andreproductive technologies published in the main Polish daily and weekly print publications, online resources (web pages, forums andFacebook pages), documents issued by the representatives of the Church, politicians and experts, e.g. open letters, commentaries,information for the media and interviews. ; This paper was presented at the Brocher Symposium 'Between Policy and Practice: Interdisciplinary Perspectives on Assisted ReproductiveTechnologies and Equitable Access to Health Care,' held at the Brocher Foundation, Hermance, Switzerland in July 2015. The BrocherFoundation's mission is to encourage research on the ethical, legal and social implications of new medical technologies. Its main activities areto host visiting researchers and to organize symposia, workshops and summer academies. More information on the Brocher foundationprogramme is available at www.brocher.ch

The article deals with the features of representation of interests in the system of social partnership of modern Russia. Two main approaches to the category of "social partnership" are analyzed: narrow, in which the social partnership is understood as the relationship between employers, employees and trade unions in the labor sphere and broad, considering social partnership as intersectoral social interaction between the three sectors of society — government body, commercial enterprises and nonprofit organizations in order to solve the problems of the social sphere. The conditions influencing the process of institutionalization of various models of social partnership are analyzed. The author pays special attention to the process of formation of the Institute of social partnership in modern Russia. The negative factors hindering the formation of an effective, rather than formal, system of social partnership are identified: the underdevelopment of civil society institutions, the weakness of trade unions, the lack of effective representation of employers, too strong state dominance, inequality of the parties. The use of foreign experience of non-confrontational ways of regulating social relations should be adapted to Russian realities.

International audience ; What do the borders of the European Union (EU) to its limits? The first part of this study shows how the EU presents scalable borders. The second part analyzes the issue of state candidates, so possible future enlargements which would mean a further decline in EU borders. Finally, examination of what the migration borders can be called will deepen the EU's geopolitical reality. ; Que nous apprennent les frontières de l'Union européenne (UE) de ses limites ? La première partie de cette étude montre combien l'UE présente des frontières évolutives. La deuxième partie analyse la question des candidats étatiques, donc des éventuels élargissements futurs qui signifieraient une nouveau recul des frontières de l'UE. Enfin, l'examen de ce que l'on peut appeler les frontières migratoires permet d'approfondir la réalité géopolitique de l'UE.

Purpose: The purpose of this research study is to comparatively study George Orwell's Animal Farm (1945) and Pakistani political scenario. The study attempts to find similarities between the two from various aspects such as economy, freedom of speech, leadership, etc., and their effect on the masses. Design/Methodology/Approach: The study is mainly qualitative as the evidence is gathered from the novella Animal Farm and the public speeches, interviews, and from the social media handles of leading politicians. Critical Discourse Model (CDA), developed by Van Dijk (2001), is employed for the analysis and discussion. The selected texts were then contextualized for comparative analysis. Findings: The textual evidence collected from the novella Animal Farm and the speeches, interviews, and social media posts from the political leaders reveal that there are certain common elements in both parties. The common elements include censorship on freedom of expression, lack of deliverance on the part of leadership, worsening economy, etc. Implications/Originality/Value: This research study is significant in the sense it is applicable on various levels such as leadership and its role in shaping the fate of society, the importance of freedom of speech as it paves the way for discussion for a better future of a nation. It also discusses the reason for the failure of economy. Furthermore, it is applicable to prevail justice and equality in society in all forms. This study aimed at discussing the common elements between Animal Farm and Pakistani politics. This is, to the best of my knowledge, perhaps, the first attempt in this regard. It is beneficial for readers in the sense that it provides them to relate the fictional world of Animal Farm to the real happenings in society and its impact on members of the society. Furthermore, it is suggestive in the sense that it provides a solution/alternative for the politicians and stakeholders of the state.

The language of politics, the medium of ideological presentation of the idea of relations inside a given community is an area of discourse struggle. This means that apart from the offered meanings, there are also attempts to hide the competitive or unassimilable message in it. Thus, taboo is its inseparable element. Today's public discourse is full of meta-language remarks in which the word taboo appears explicitly or is semantically present in the form of allusions to all sorts of forbidden themes. Through the analysis of contexts in which a word appears in the corpus of public speeches, the paper attempts to prove that, along with the criticism of Newspeak and political correctness, meta-language rejection of taboo by a political opponent has been a kind of a popular rhetoric pattern for the last few years. ; Le langage de la politique, porteur d'une représentation idéologique des relations au sein d'une communauté donnée, est par définition un domaine de la lutte discursive. Cela implique qu'en dehors des significations proposées, il comporte aussi des tentatives de couvrir le message concurrentiel ou discordant. Différentes formes du tabou constituent par conséquent son élément inséparable. Or, le discours public d'aujourd'hui (avec son côté néo-populiste) est parsemé de remarques métalinguistiques dans lesquelles le mot tabou apparaît explicitement ou est sémantiquement présent sous forme d'allusions à toutes sortes de thèmes interdits. À travers une analyse des contextes dans lesquels ce mot ou cette valeur sémantique apparaissent dans un corpus d'allocutions d'hommes politiques français couvrant la période 2008-2015, cet article – inspiré en partie des travaux du groupe de recherche DiSEM – tente de montrer que, tout comme la critique du politiquement correct et de ce qu'on appelle communément « la langue de bois », le rejet du tabou chez soi et sa dénonciation chez l'adversaire politique s'apparentent, ces dernières années, à une sorte d'artifice rhétorique obligé.

AbstractThe recent financial and debt crisis has resuscitated the debate about European federalism – a theme that seemed not to have survived the painful constitutional adventure that ended with the ratification of the Lisbon Treaty in 2009. With the adoption of significant policy and institutional measures for tightening macroeconomic and budgetary coordination (including a constitutionally enshrined debt brake), the reforms of the monetary union have undisputedly brought the European Union further on the path towards an ever closer union. In an era where EU integration has been increasingly politicised, and Euroscepticism has been on the rise and exploited by anti‐system parties, national leaders have to face a political hiatus and respond to increased needs for symbolic and discursive legitimation of further federalisation. This is all the more crucial for French and German leaders who have brokered the main decisions during the crisis of the eurozone. Against this background, the purpose of this article is not to assess whether, or to what extent, the recent reforms of economic and monetary union have made the EU more federal. Rather, the purpose is to tackle the following puzzle: How have EU leaders legitimised the deepening of federal integration in a context where support for more European federalism is at its lowest? To elucidate this, a lexicographic discourse analysis is conducted based on all speeches held by the German Chancellor Merkel and the two French Presidents Sarkozy and Hollande, previous to, or after European summits from early 2010 until the spring of 2013. The findings indicate that federalism is both taboo and pervasive in French and German leaders' discourse. The paradox is barely apparent, though. While the 'F‐word' is rarely spoken aloud, two distinctive visions co‐exist in the French and German discourse. The coming of age of a political union through constitutional federalism is pictured as ineluctable, yet as a distant mirage out of reach of today's decision makers. At the same time, the deepening of functional federalism in order to cope with economic interdependence is a ubiquitous imperative that justifies further integration. The persisting gap between the constitutional and the functional vision of European federalism has crucial implications. Insofar as the Union is held responsible for not delivering successful economic policy, political leaders will fail to legitimise both functional and constitutional federalism.

Trends in intergovernmental relations have not been a simple move from "layer cake" to "marble cake." There were many federal-state and federal-state-local rela tionships in the nineteenth century, although it is true that strict construction theories were held by most presidents. The responsibilities between states and localities were never clear-cut. Grants-in-aid have been the major factor in alter ing the situation in the twentieth century. The national gov ernment has also moved into the field of business regulation. The major causes of the change included the pressing nature of federal grants, professionalism, technological factors, and political factors. The grants-in-aid structure has left a num ber of unsolved problems. It does not equalize very effec tively. It probably has not improved state-local personnel ex cept in certain specific fields. It has decreased state and local responsibility and confused state and local budgeting. The future situation is somewhat in doubt. The over-all national government fiscal situation is poorer than that of states and localities. However, there are economists who feel that the national government must continue to spend. Pressure groups are continuing to operate for grants. The effectiveness of the "new conservatism" is open to question. The only technical device for preventing the development of the present politi cally irresponsible grants-in-aid system seems to be the block grant which has been advocated by leaders of both parties but has attained no official status. Political scientists are urged to try to keep the values of state and local government in mind in appraising the grant system.

Engaging with the literature on deliberative democracy, this article contends that in the context of ethnic group hostilities, deliberative processes where participants have a genuine opportunity to communicate and 'hear the other side' can be a way for inter-group dialogue and reconciliation. Separating the deliberative process into three distinct moments, it offers a framework for understanding how unequal and conflicting parties may be brought together to deliberate, how to grasp the micro-politics of deliberation, and to understand the diffusion mechanisms that bring society back in. The approach we propose aims to bridge the normative-macro and the experimental-micro accounts of deliberation in order to focus on non-ideal real-life contexts and to offer 'deliberative lenses' to study the (rare) cases of deliberative inter-ethnic reconciliation. The approach and the three moments are illustrated by the deliberative turn taken to resolve a conflict between the Innu communities, the Quebec government and the local non-Innu in Saguenay-Lac-Saint Jean.

We challenge the usefulness of the 'public value' approach in Westminster systems with their dominant hierarchies of control, strong roles for ministers, and tight authorizing regimes underpinned by disciplined two-party systems. We identify two key confusions: about public value as theory, and in defining who are 'public managers'. We identify five linked core assumptions in public value: the benign view of large-scale organizations; the primacy of management; the relevance of private sector experience; the downgrading of party politics; and public servants as platonic guardians. We identify two key dilemmas around the 'primacy of party politics' and the notion that public managers should play the role of platonic guardians deciding the public interest. We illustrate our argument with short case studies of: the David Kelly story from the UK; the 'children overboard' scandal in Australia; the 'mad cow disease' outbreak in the UK; the Yorkshire health authority's 'tea-parties', and the Cave Creek disaster in New Zealand.

Adopté par le parlement wallon le 24 avril 2014, le Code du développement territorial (« CoDT ») devrait entrer en vigueur le 1er janvier 2015. Destiné à remplacer une bonne partie du CWATUPE après l'évaluation qui en a été faite en 2011-2012, le CoDT va profondément réformer le droit de l'aménagement du territoire et de l'urbanisme. La liste des nouveautés est longue : périmètre U, périmètre d'enjeu régional, schéma de développement communal, schéma d'urbanisation, guides d'urbanisme, dispenses de permis d'urbanisation, délégation générale aux recours, procédure conjointe planpermis, permis parlementaires, réunion de projet, délai de rigueur imposé au collège communal, taxation des plus-values d'urbanisme, prescription décennale pour les infractions d'urbanisme « non fondamentales », etc. Cet ouvrage, en écho au colloque du 19 juin 2014 (organisé par l'Association belge francophone pour le droit de l'aménagement du territoire et de l'urbanisme), offre une présentation descriptive et une analyse critique de ces nouveautés. De la sorte, tous les professionnels de la matière y trouveront leur compte : magistrats, avocats, notaires, architectes, fonctionnaires régionaux et communaux, géomètres, promoteurs, propriétaires, etc.

Les réseaux transnationaux tissés par des immigrés marocains installés en France lient entre eux collectifs informels et associations de migrants qui œuvrent au développement de leur région d'origine. La mise en commun de ressources financières et techniques assure l'électrification d'un village, la construction d'un dispensaire ou d'un système d'alimentation en eau potable des maisons.On s'attachera ici à étudier le cas des migrants issus du Sud marocain, une zone qui inclut l'Anti-Atlas et le Haut-Atlas ainsi que les plaines côtières du Souss et du Massa. La région est habitée par les Chleuhs, l'un des trois principaux groupes berbères du pays, particulièrement actifs dans le domaine du développement. Un chiffre permet de mesurer l'importance de cette dynamique : entre 1990 et 1997, le taux d'électrification des foyers dans la vallée du Massa est passé de 15 % à 95 %. Le succès de cet engagement collectif est, en grande partie, dû au soutien apporté par une catégorie de migrants marocains, des syndicalistes et des réfugiés politiques, dont le savoir-faire a permis la concrétisation des projets. Une catégorie d'acteur porteuse d'un exil différent.

Les réseaux transnationaux tissés par des immigrés marocains installés en France lient entre eux collectifs informels et associations de migrants qui œuvrent au développement de leur région d'origine. La mise en commun de ressources financières et techniques assure l'électrification d'un village, la construction d'un dispensaire ou d'un système d'alimentation en eau potable des maisons.On s'attachera ici à étudier le cas des migrants issus du Sud marocain, une zone qui inclut l'Anti-Atlas et le Haut-Atlas ainsi que les plaines côtières du Souss et du Massa. La région est habitée par les Chleuhs, l'un des trois principaux groupes berbères du pays, particulièrement actifs dans le domaine du développement. Un chiffre permet de mesurer l'importance de cette dynamique : entre 1990 et 1997, le taux d'électrification des foyers dans la vallée du Massa est passé de 15 % à 95 %. Le succès de cet engagement collectif est, en grande partie, dû au soutien apporté par une catégorie de migrants marocains, des syndicalistes et des réfugiés politiques, dont le savoir-faire a permis la concrétisation des projets. Une catégorie d'acteur porteuse d'un exil différent.

Email-Befragungen, die anlässlich der Landtagswahlen in Baden-Württemberg und Rheinland-Pfalz vom 25. März 2001 unter Direktkandidaten durchgeführt wurden, dienen als empirische Basis, um zu untersuchen, inwieweit dieses Instrument in der empirischen Parlaments- und Abgeordnetenforschung eingesetzt werden kann. Dabei wird anhand der von Robert M. Groves entwickelten und allgemein auf Umfragen anwendbaren Typologie auf Auswahl-, Ausfall- und Messfehler eingegangen. Es bewarben sich insgesamt 770 Kandidaten bei diesen Wahlen um Direktmandate, davon konnten rund 70 Prozent per Email kontaktiert werden, von diesen wiederum nahmen rund 60 Prozent an der Befragung teil. Damit kann die Aktion als Erfolg bezeichnet werden. Email-Befragungen können - zumindest als Ergänzung - in den Methodenkasten der empirischen Parlamentsforschung aufgenommen werden. (Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen / FUB)