Suchergebnisse

This article traces the interrelationship of the roles played by Turkey and by various Kurdish non-state actors such as the Kurdistan Regional Government, the Kurdistan Workers Party, and the Democratic Union Party, in the current turmoil in Syria and Iraq. It considers their varying perspectives on Islamic State and other jihadi groups, the tensions between the region's Kurdish non-state actors, and the differences between them in their relationships with Turkey. The background to these differences is explored, as is their impact on relationships with other actors, most notably the US. The article concludes by noting that Turkey as a regionally powerful and coherent actor, and the Kurds as a distinct ethnic group with aspirations to self-determination, will continue to be powerful elements in the region's politics.

The Soviet (1931-33) and Chinese (1958-62) famines were man-made catastrophes that occurred in underdeveloped states with growing populations during peacetime and affected traditional surplus areas. Both are marked by overly ambitious industrialization strategies at the expense of the rural economy in which central authorities failed to lower grain quotas once famine broke out and even increased them. The famines also had differences, notably regarding the nationality or ethnic question, which played a key role in Ukraine and was present in the Kazakh famine, but was absent in the Chinese famine. Also, Chinese Communist Party leaders, notwithstanding the cruelty of their policies, were much better disposed towards peasants than were the Soviet Bolsheviks. One cannot ascribe murderous intent on Mao's part, but rather an incoherency of policy and unwillingness to recognize and correct his errors.

This article explores the way in which the UK Political Studies Association (PSA) has sought to tackle issues of inclusion within the profession. UK political science is dominated by white males, and while women have made progress, we argue this is less so for black, Asian and minority ethnic colleagues. In both cases, we view progress as likely to be limited without proactive intervention strategies. We draw on work that we have recently been doing with the PSA and offer some positive strategies for embedding this agenda within the profession. We argue that for a vibrant, pluralist and healthy political science, a diversity of academics is needed, and that learned societies and professional organisations have a key role to play in advancing this agenda.

The first decade of the Indonesian film industry film industry was marked by competition between Chinese and European filmmakers to reach audiences by employing strategies—in film language, plotting, and casting—influenced by the customs of both their respective ethnic groups, and their target audiences. This paper explores the role of ethnicity in the first ten years of Indonesian film industry, beginning with L. Heuveldorp and G. Krugers' 1926 production Loetoeng Kasaroeng [The Misguided Lutung], and ending with Albert Balink and Mannus Franken's 1936 film Pareh [Rice]. Referring to concrete examples from the films produced in Indonesia during this period, the article concludes that filmmakers fell into one of four prominent categories: Europeans targeting European audiences, Europeans targeting indigene audiences, Chinese targeting Chinese audiences, and Chinese targeting indigene audiences.

Black males face pressures to adopt dominant social roles in relationships based on expectations from family, peers, and teachers. Many stereotypes define their perceived masculinities in coeducational schools, such as different definitions of masculinity received from peers and adults. Enrollment in all-male, majority-Black schools changes nothing. This article discusses how Black males who attend the Pebbles School—an urban all-male public combined middle and high school—constructed, perceived, and negotiated their masculine identities and perceptions of brotherhood. The relationship between masculinity and brotherhood and the intersection of gender and ethnic studies draw upon studies in Progressive Black Masculinity to challenge restrictive definitions of masculinity constructions shared among some Black males, who tend to view masculinity exclusively through a heterosexual lens, which limits discussions of diversity in brotherhood and sexual orientation.

In the United States, academic research on local polices for international migration remains predominantly descriptive, methodologically localist, and focused on anti-immigrant policies. By contrast, this study offers a relational perspective on local immigration policy, arguing that a convergence of efforts by local governments and by immigrant communities at upward social mobility favors the emergence of inclusionary local immigration policies. This effect is facilitated by the predominance of Democratic partisanship and the presence of a bifurcated ethnic composition in localities. This theory is developed through a strategic narrative of the immigration policies of Baltimore City in the context of the U.S. rustbelt. Covering the period from the late 1970s to 2015, the narrative is based on information from official documents, news articles, academic literature, and official statistics.

The nascent literature on the propensity to endorse conspiratorial views of President Barack Obama suggests that such sentiments may be grounded in racial animus or political partisanship. Yet to date, little attention has been paid to the religious elements that may underlie such claims. We extend the research in this area by using a national survey to assess the relationship between white conservative Protestant affiliation and an inclination to endorse the idea that Obama is a Muslim and/or a noncitizen. The results show that white conservative Protestant affiliation is associated with a greater tendency to support these characterizations of Obama. Importantly, this relationship is substantially mediated by racial resentment. The results are discussed in terms of their implications for the United States' increasing ethnic and religious pluralism.

The objective of the study is to determine whether a relationship existed between the variables of job satisfaction and organizational commitment within the South African police services. Data were collected using questionnaires, administered to a sample of 103 respondents, received 71% response rate from a population of 140 employees and used the simple random sampling technique. Data were analyzed using both descriptive and inferential statistics. No statistically significant correlation was found between the dimensions of job satisfaction and organizational commitment. The ANOVA test showed a significant difference in normative commitment among the age, home language and ethnic groups. The ANOVA test revealed significant differences among the biographical variables and the job satisfaction dimensions. The findings of this study indicated no relationship between job satisfaction and organizational commitment

Montenegro is a country in which one of the main features of representative democracy has never developed: government replaceability. After regaining independence and initiating an EU accession process, externally driven changes have stimulated lively institutional transformations which, however, have failed to produce meaningful democratic competition. This article tries to shed some light on the following phenomenon: how is it possible that in a formally democratic legal framework the ruling (ex-communist) party keeps winning each national election? Apart from providing a contextual analysis, it seeks to describe a rather interesting concept—the image of invincibility which is, together with deep national/ethnic divisions and non-participant political attitudes, believed to be one of the key ingredients of the enigma of the last uninterrupted ex-communist incumbency in the post-communist world.

In this study, we analyze European attitudes about the Roma. These attitudes are important because they encourage or impede the full inclusion of the Roma in European society. We articulate what we refer to as the Gypsy Threat Narrative and use it to motivate an empirical analysis of how comfortable Europeans are with Roma neighbors, as expressed in a 2008 Eurobarometer survey. We use mixed ordinary least square regression models to account for the hierarchical data structure, and account for a number of factors previously found to correlate with attitudes about the Roma while reporting new findings grounded in the logic of the Gypsy Threat Narrative. We discuss the implications of our study for research on European ethnic relations and for activists working for greater Roma inclusion.

This article examines the role of ethnicity in the formation of political cleavage and is based on the analysis of the political agenda of the Polish national minority in Lithuania after the re-establishment of the independent state in 1990. It analyzes the political performance of the Electoral Action of Poles in Lithuania (EAPL), an ethnic-based "niche" political party that tends to keep a monopoly over the representation of interests of the Polish minority in Lithuania and collects a vast majority of the votes of citizens of Polish origin. The article considers how specific in comparison to the titular nation the interests of the Polish national minority are, and how different in comparison to the political agendas of other political parties the political agenda of the EAPL is.

On the bases of culture and ethnic nowadays the world is a plural world, in way that it's reasonable to say nowhere could be exempted fro this classification. Researches conducted in this field have classified all countries whether developed or developing into lingual, religion, racial and cultural classes.As result of religious, cultural and ethnical overlapping between the countries and cases of unsatisfied needs and request by such group, local, national and even disputes between theses group and their governments is a common case through the ages.this study was conducted while having a historical look on the issue of ethnics in two countries including Iran and Malaysia and also surveying current situation and place of this challenge in the two countries, and also determining courses of ethnical and tradition reconstruction.

AbstractUsing the Longitudinal Survey of Immigrants in Canada (LSIC) dataset, we explore the differences in remittance behaviour of Chinese and Indian immigrants in Canada in relation to their socio-economic characteristics. We apply logistic regressions on the likelihood to remit, and instrumental variable regressions to estimate the amount remitted. We find that age, income, level of education, and personal investment in the home country are important determinants of the remittance behaviour of Chinese immigrants in Canada. Marital status, having family members, and involvement with ethnic organizations in the host country are the major drivers of remittances sent by Indian immigrants in Canada. By analyzing the remittance behaviour of Canadian immigrants from two major sources, this study sheds light on potential motivations to remit which contribute to policy formulation in both home and host countries.

In this study, I evaluate the effect of identity-based political inequalities on the probability of nonviolent and violent resistance in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). During the Arab Spring, many states with higher levels of ethnic and religious political inequalities experienced lengthy resistance movements and violence, while states with lower levels of political inequalities largely experienced less volatility. I find support for my expectations using data spanning 1960–2011. Not only do results suggest that in MENA states with higher levels of identity-based political inequalities experience more conflict, but results from a global analysis suggest that this relationship is particularly robust within MENA. Sub-Saharan Africa is also conflict prone; however, the onset of nonviolent and violent movements is lower than MENA.

ABSTRACTThe social and economic position of lodgers in Europe and North America has attracted considerable scholarship, yet the financial and interpersonal relationships between lodgers and boarders and their hosts in working-class homes is somewhat underdeveloped. This article examines patterns of lodging and boarding in working-class homes in Scotland between 1861 and 1911, focusing upon multiple layers of connection between paying guests and householders. This article demonstrates that connections had national and ethnic roots, and that taking in lodgers and boarders was of prime cultural and economic importance for many. The ability to offer space played a crucial role in the social and economic status of single, separated and widowed women, and this article offers an insight into the sometimes troubled relationships between landladies and their tenants.