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Scientific approaches to understanding the model of language policy as a political science concept arestudied, which are: hermeneutic circle, based on which this model is built, the components of which are asingle whole, consisting of separate sectors, which are political networks interconnected by political science contexts , ie cause-and-effect relationships; institutional, which includes the Institute of the Head of State, parliament, government, court, political parties, local governments, NGOs, civil society and others. institutions; network, which makes it possible to find out which political networks make upthemodel, which at the stages of formation and implementation of language policy by different administrations and states, is subject to change; geopolitical, which clarified that the subjects of Russian and others. political parties and public organizations aim to destroy Ukraine as a sovereign state, relying on the Russian language, which should receive official / state status, and the Russian population, which, according to some Russian politicians and scholars, is not a national minority in the post-Soviet states, inparticular in Ukraine, and the indigenous nation; ideological, which is a system of conceptually designed political, legal, religious, philosophical ideas, views and ideas on political life, which reflect the interests, worldview, ideals, moods of people, society, political parties, social movements and others. policy actors that constructively or destructively influence the structure of the model; value, which is closely related tothe language, ideology, self-consciousness of the subjects of language policy, their political culture, verbal and political behavior; synergetic, which helps to analyze the model through the prism oftheinteraction of its parts, which is essentially constructive or destructive; postmodern, the product ofwhich is multiculturalism, democracy, the decline of communism, globalization, decentralization, etc., which determine the verbal, real and symbolic behavior of politicians, some of which slow down theimplementation of language policy and negatively affect the development of its model. Emphasis is placed on understanding the "model of language policy" as a political science concept, whichconsists of political networks and political science contexts that connect its parts into a complex structure that interacts on the principle of hermeneutic circle. The concept of "hermeneutics" is defined, which is the basis of the "hermeneutic circle" as a phenomenon and concept, the basis of which is: knowledge of language and morality, which regulate the behavior oflanguage policy; understanding the content and significance of political science contexts and political networks of the language policy model; political science knowledge, which is used to study laws, programs, scientific works, historical and political sources, political decisions and phenomena that we study, analyze linguistic and political situations and processes. It is proved that each of the approaches used to understand this model is important, because they all together help to consider its structure and find out that its constructive or destructive nature depends onthe regime prevailing in the state, ie the form of government and ideologies that differently affect theimplementation of language policy, the formation of this complex structure and its development. ; Досліджуються наукові підходи щодо осмислення моделі мовної політики як політологічного концепту, якими є: герменевтичне коло, заознаками якого побудовано зазначену модель, складові якої є єдиним цілим, що складається зокремих секторів, які є політичними мережами, котрі пов'язані між собою політологічними контекстами, тобто причино-наслідковими зв'язками; інституціональний, складовими якого є Інститут глави держави, парламент, уряд, суд, політичні партії, органи місцевого самоврядування, громадські організації, громадянське суспільство та ін. інституції; мережевий, який дає можливість з'ясувати, зяких політичних мереж складається модель, яка наетапах формування та здійснення мовної політики різними адміністраціями і державами, піддається змінам; геополітичний, завдяки якому з'ясовано, що суб'єкти російських та ін. політичних партій та громадських організацій ставлять замету знищити Україну як суверенну державу, спираючись наросійську мову, яка має отримати статус офіційної/державної, та російське населення, яке, напереконання окремих російських політиків і науковців, є ненаціональною меншиною удержавах пострадянського простору, зокрема вУкраїні, а корінною нацією; ідеологічний, який є системою концептуально оформлених політичних, правових, релігійних, філософських уявлень, поглядів та ідей наполітичне життя, які відображають інтереси, світогляд, ідеали, настрої людей, суспільства, політичних партій, громадських рухів та ін. суб'єктів політики, які конструктивно чи деструктивно впливають набудову моделі; ціннісний, який тісно пов'язано змовою, ідеологією, самосвідомістю суб'єктів мовної політики, їх політичною культурою, вербальною та політичною поведінкою; синергетичний, який допомагає аналізувати модель через призму взаємодії її частин, яка засутністю є конструктивною чи деструктивною; постмодерністський, породженням якого є мультикультуралізм, демократія, занепад комунізму, глобалізація, децентралізація тощо, які визначають вербальну, реальну та символічну поведінку політиків, окремі зяких гальмують процес здійснення мовної політики та негативно впливають нарозбудову її моделі. Акцентовано увагу наосмисленні «моделі мовної політики» як політологічного концепту, яка складається зполітичних мереж та політологічних контекстів, які зв'язують її частини ускладну конструкцію, які взаємодіють запринципом герменевтичного кола. Визначено поняття «герменевтика», що є основою виникнення «герменевтичного кола» як явища і поняття, основою якого є: пізнання мови і моралі, які регулюють поведінку суб'єктів мовної політики; розуміння змісту та значення політологічних контекстів і політичних мереж моделі мовної політики; політологічне знання, задопомогою якого досліджено закони, програми, наукові праці, історичні і політичні джерела, політичні рішення та явища, які вивчаємо, аналізуємо мовно-політичні ситуації тапроцеси. Доведено, що кожен з підходів, який використано для осмислення зазначеної моделі, є важливим, позаяк усі вони у комплексі допомагають розглянути її будову та з'ясувати, що конструктивна чи деструктивна її суть залежить від режиму, який панує у державі, тобто форми правління та ідеології, які по-різному впливають наздійснення мовної політики, формування цієї складної конструкції та її розбудови.

Scientific approaches to understanding the model of language policy as a political science concept arestudied, which are: hermeneutic circle, based on which this model is built, the components of which are asingle whole, consisting of separate sectors, which are political networks interconnected by political science contexts , ie cause-and-effect relationships; institutional, which includes the Institute of the Head of State, parliament, government, court, political parties, local governments, NGOs, civil society and others. institutions; network, which makes it possible to find out which political networks make upthemodel, which at the stages of formation and implementation of language policy by different administrations and states, is subject to change; geopolitical, which clarified that the subjects of Russian and others. political parties and public organizations aim to destroy Ukraine as a sovereign state, relying on the Russian language, which should receive official / state status, and the Russian population, which, according to some Russian politicians and scholars, is not a national minority in the post-Soviet states, inparticular in Ukraine, and the indigenous nation; ideological, which is a system of conceptually designed political, legal, religious, philosophical ideas, views and ideas on political life, which reflect the interests, worldview, ideals, moods of people, society, political parties, social movements and others. policy actors that constructively or destructively influence the structure of the model; value, which is closely related tothe language, ideology, self-consciousness of the subjects of language policy, their political culture, verbal and political behavior; synergetic, which helps to analyze the model through the prism oftheinteraction of its parts, which is essentially constructive or destructive; postmodern, the product ofwhich is multiculturalism, democracy, the decline of communism, globalization, decentralization, etc., which determine the verbal, real and symbolic behavior of politicians, some of which slow down theimplementation of language policy and negatively affect the development of its model. Emphasis is placed on understanding the "model of language policy" as a political science concept, whichconsists of political networks and political science contexts that connect its parts into a complex structure that interacts on the principle of hermeneutic circle. The concept of "hermeneutics" is defined, which is the basis of the "hermeneutic circle" as a phenomenon and concept, the basis of which is: knowledge of language and morality, which regulate the behavior oflanguage policy; understanding the content and significance of political science contexts and political networks of the language policy model; political science knowledge, which is used to study laws, programs, scientific works, historical and political sources, political decisions and phenomena that we study, analyze linguistic and political situations and processes. It is proved that each of the approaches used to understand this model is important, because they all together help to consider its structure and find out that its constructive or destructive nature depends onthe regime prevailing in the state, ie the form of government and ideologies that differently affect theimplementation of language policy, the formation of this complex structure and its development. ; Досліджуються наукові підходи щодо осмислення моделі мовної політики як політологічного концепту, якими є: герменевтичне коло, заознаками якого побудовано зазначену модель, складові якої є єдиним цілим, що складається зокремих секторів, які є політичними мережами, котрі пов'язані між собою політологічними контекстами, тобто причино-наслідковими зв'язками; інституціональний, складовими якого є Інститут глави держави, парламент, уряд, суд, політичні партії, органи місцевого самоврядування, громадські організації, громадянське суспільство та ін. інституції; мережевий, який дає можливість з'ясувати, зяких політичних мереж складається модель, яка наетапах формування та здійснення мовної політики різними адміністраціями і державами, піддається змінам; геополітичний, завдяки якому з'ясовано, що суб'єкти російських та ін. політичних партій та громадських організацій ставлять замету знищити Україну як суверенну державу, спираючись наросійську мову, яка має отримати статус офіційної/державної, та російське населення, яке, напереконання окремих російських політиків і науковців, є ненаціональною меншиною удержавах пострадянського простору, зокрема вУкраїні, а корінною нацією; ідеологічний, який є системою концептуально оформлених політичних, правових, релігійних, філософських уявлень, поглядів та ідей наполітичне життя, які відображають інтереси, світогляд, ідеали, настрої людей, суспільства, політичних партій, громадських рухів та ін. суб'єктів політики, які конструктивно чи деструктивно впливають набудову моделі; ціннісний, який тісно пов'язано змовою, ідеологією, самосвідомістю суб'єктів мовної політики, їх політичною культурою, вербальною та політичною поведінкою; синергетичний, який допомагає аналізувати модель через призму взаємодії її частин, яка засутністю є конструктивною чи деструктивною; постмодерністський, породженням якого є мультикультуралізм, демократія, занепад комунізму, глобалізація, децентралізація тощо, які визначають вербальну, реальну та символічну поведінку політиків, окремі зяких гальмують процес здійснення мовної політики та негативно впливають нарозбудову її моделі. Акцентовано увагу наосмисленні «моделі мовної політики» як політологічного концепту, яка складається зполітичних мереж та політологічних контекстів, які зв'язують її частини ускладну конструкцію, які взаємодіють запринципом герменевтичного кола. Визначено поняття «герменевтика», що є основою виникнення «герменевтичного кола» як явища і поняття, основою якого є: пізнання мови і моралі, які регулюють поведінку суб'єктів мовної політики; розуміння змісту та значення політологічних контекстів і політичних мереж моделі мовної політики; політологічне знання, задопомогою якого досліджено закони, програми, наукові праці, історичні і політичні джерела, політичні рішення та явища, які вивчаємо, аналізуємо мовно-політичні ситуації тапроцеси. Доведено, що кожен з підходів, який використано для осмислення зазначеної моделі, є важливим, позаяк усі вони у комплексі допомагають розглянути її будову та з'ясувати, що конструктивна чи деструктивна її суть залежить від режиму, який панує у державі, тобто форми правління та ідеології, які по-різному впливають наздійснення мовної політики, формування цієї складної конструкції та її розбудови.

We are grateful to Viktoriya Morozova, Anthony L. Piro, Lars Bildsten, Bill Paxton, J. J. Eldridge, Eva Laplace, Sergei I. Blinnikov, Ken'ichi Nomoto, Masaomi Tanaka, and Nozomu Tominaga for their comments and discussions. D.H., D.A.H., G.H., C.M., and J.B. were supported by NSF grants AST-1313484 and AST-1911225, as well as by NASA grant 80NSSC19kf1639. D.H. is thankful for support and hospitality by the National Astronomical Observatory of Japan where many discussions of this work took place. J.A.G. is supported by the NSF GRFP under grant number 1650114. I.A. is a CIFAR Azrieli Global Scholar in the Gravity and the Extreme Universe Program and acknowledges support from that program, from the European Research Council (ERC) under the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation program (grant agreement number 852097), from the Israel Science Foundation (grant numbers 2108/18 and 2752/19), from the United States - Israel Binational Science Foundation (BSF), and from the Israeli Council for Higher Education Alon Fellowship. C.P.G acknowledges support from EU/FP7- ERC grant number 615929. Research by S.V. is supported by NSF grant AST{1813176. Q.F. acknowledges support from the JSPS Kakenhi grant (20J23342). K. Maeda acknowledges support by JSPS KAKENHI grants JP20H00174, JP20H04737, JP18H04585, JP18H05223, and JP17H02864. G.F. acknowledges the support from CONICET through grant PIP-2015-2017- 11220150100746CO and from ANPCyT through grant PICT-2017-3133. M.D.S. acknowledges support from a project grant (8021-00170B) from the Independent Research Fund Denmark and a generous grant (28021) from the VILLUM FONDEN. M.G. is supported by the Polish NCN MAESTRO grant 2014/14/A/ST9/00121. K. Maguire is funded by the EU H2020 ERC grant number 758638. T.M.B. was funded by the CONICYT PFCHA/DOCTORADOBECAS CHILE/2017- 72180113. This paper made use of data from the Las Cumbres Observatory global network of telescopes through the Supernova Key Project and Global Supernova Project. This paper includes data gathered with the 6.5 meter Magellan Telescopes located at Las Campanas Observatory, Chile. The CSP-I was supported by the NSF under grants AST-0306969, AST-0607438 and AST-1008343. This research has made use of the NASA/IPAC Extragalactic Database (NED), which is funded by NASA and operated by the California Institute of Technology, as well as IRAF, which is distributed by NOAO (operated by AURA, Inc.), under cooperative agreement with NSF. The authors wish to recognize and acknowledge the very signi cant cultural role and reverence that the summit of Haleakal a has always had within the indigenous Hawaiian community. We are most fortunate to have the opportunity to conduct observations from the mountain. Funding for SDSS-III has been provided by the Alfred P. Sloan Foundation, the Participating Institutions, the National Science Foundation, and the U.S. Department of Energy O ce of Science. The SDSS-III website is http://www.sdss3.org/. SDSS-III is managed by the Astrophysical Research Consortium for the Participating Institutions of the SDSS-III Collaboration, including the University of Arizona, the Brazilian Participation Group, Brookhaven National Laboratory, Carnegie Mellon University, University of Florida, the French Participation Group, the German Participation Group, Harvard University, the Instituto de Astro sica de Canarias, the Michigan State/Notre Dame/JINA Participation Group, Johns Hopkins University, Lawrence Berkeley National Laboratory, Max Planck Institute for Astrophysics, Max Planck Institute for Extraterrestrial Physics, New Mexico State University, New York University, Ohio State University, Pennsylvania State University, University of Portsmouth, Princeton University, the Spanish Participation Group, University of Tokyo, University of Utah, Vanderbilt University, University of Virginia, University of Washington, and Yale University. ; The diversity of Type II supernovae (SNe II) is thought to be driven mainly by differences in their progenitor's hydrogen-rich (H-rich) envelope mass, with SNe IIP having long plateaus (~100 days) and the most massive H-rich envelopes. However, it is an ongoing mystery why SNe II with short plateaus (tens of days) are rarely seen. Here, we present optical/near-infrared photometric and spectroscopic observations of luminous Type II short-plateau SNe 2006Y, 2006ai, and 2016egz. Their plateaus of about 50–70 days and luminous optical peaks (lesssim−18.4 mag) indicate significant pre-explosion mass loss resulting in partially stripped H-rich envelopes and early circumstellar material (CSM) interaction. We compute a large grid of MESA+STELLA single-star progenitor and light-curve models with various progenitor zero-age main-sequence (ZAMS) masses, mass-loss efficiencies, explosion energies, 56Ni masses, and CSM densities. Our model grid shows a continuous population of SNe IIP–IIL–IIb-like light-curve morphology in descending order of H-rich envelope mass. With large 56Ni masses (gsim0.05 M⊙), short-plateau SNe II lie in a confined parameter space as a transitional class between SNe IIL and IIb. For SNe 2006Y, 2006ai, and 2016egz, our findings suggest high-mass red supergiant (RSG) progenitors (MZAMS sime 18–22 M⊙) with small H-rich envelope masses (${M}_{{{\rm{H}}}_{\mathrm{env}}}\simeq 1.7\,{M}_{\odot }$) that have experienced enhanced mass loss ($\dot{M}\simeq {10}^{-2}\,{M}_{\odot }\,{\mathrm{yr}}^{-1}$) for the last few decades before the explosion. If high-mass RSGs result in rare short-plateau SNe II, then these events might ease some of the apparent underrepresentation of higher-luminosity RSGs in observed SN II progenitor samples.

Цель. Проанализировать миграцию рабочей силы; целый комплекс проблем, связанный с ней, которые требуют научного осмысления; в частности, влияние заработков, отправленных рабочими мигрантами в страну основного проживания, на уровень бедности и неравенство доходов в стране-получателе этих средств. Важность: Таджикские трудовые мигранты по численности занимают второе место в РФ, а денежные средства, отправленные мигрантами, составляют эквивалентно почти половину от ВВП и являются важным источником доходов населения и фактором экономического развития страны. Методы. Использовались методы описательной статистики, сравнительного анализа. Результаты. Таджикистан имеет большое количество мигрантов, по численности больше чем некоторые коренные жители России. Если первая группа мигрантов была почти полностью образована ввиду угрозы для жизни, во время и после гражданской войны то вторая, или новая волна мигрантов формировалась в основном под воздействием разных социально экономических факторов. Российская Федерация была основной страной проживания новых мигрантов, выезжающих как на сезонную, так и на постоянную работу. Таджикские мигранты удовлетворяет спрос на вакансии там, где ее невозможно удовлетворить за счет внутренних ресурсов. Правительства стран-доноров и стран-реципиентов рабочей силы должны контролировать потоки миграции рабочей силы. Утечка мозгов является серьезной проблемой для развивающихся стран-доноров, так же как нелегальная миграция для стран-реципиентов. Политика контроля миграции должна быть сбалансированной, для того чтобы не поощрять нелегальную миграцию, одновременно не должна быть достаточно суровой, чтоб не создавать препятствий для притока необходимой рабочей силы. Высокий уровень неравенства доходов населения имеет прямое влияние на миграцию рабочей силы. Чем больше неравенство, тем выше темп международной трудовой миграции. Следовательно, высокий темп международной миграции рабочей силы стимулирует большой объем ремиттансов. С другой стороны, он снижает производительный потенциал и затормаживает экономическое развитие страны-донора, но так как ремиттансы используются как инвестиционный инструмент, возможно, отрицательное влияние миграции рабочей силы будет сглажено за счет инвестиций. Неофициальные ремиттансы (по мнению экспертов) составляют тридцать процентов от внешних ремиттансов, отправленных в Таджикистан. Необходимо стимулировать официальные каналы отправки денежных переводов путем применения различных бонусных и льготных программ для отправителей и получателей ремиттансов, а также увеличивая доступность услуг поставщиков. В случае гипотетической ситуации, при которой поток ремиттансов в Таджикистан прекратится или сокращается уровень бедности в Таджикистан резко возрастет. Заключение. В кратчайшие сроки необходимо решить уравнение минимум с тремя неизвестными. Первое неизвестное как привлечь работодателей к таджикскому рынку труда? Второе как быстро, эффективно реанимировать миграционную ситуацию после продолжительного спада и сокращения производства? Третье неизвестное как денежные переводы мигрантов поставить на рельс экономики страны? До сих пор попытки оценить таджикский миграционный фактор оставались, для Таджикистана и для России, задачей теоретической. Пришло время перевести расчёты в практическую плоскость, чтобы понять, какую экономическую, социальную выгоду может принести нашим странам трудовой мигрант. ; Goal. Analyze labor migration; the whole complex of problems associated with it, which require scientific understanding; in particular the impact of earnings, migrant workers sent to the main residence, the level of poverty and income inequality in the country of the recipient of these funds. Importance: Tajik labor migrants in number in second place in the Russian Federation, and the money sent by migrants constitute equivalent to almost half of GDP and are an important source of income of the population and a factor in economic development. Methods. We used the methods of descriptive statistics, comparative analysis. Results. Tajikistan has a large number of migrants, according to the number of more than a few indigenous people of Russia. If the first group of migrants was almost completely formed because of the threat to life during and after the civil war, then the second, and a new wave of migrants was formed mainly under the influence of various socio economic factors. The Russian Federation was the main country of residence of new migrants leaving both seasonal and permanent job. Tajik migrants meets the demand for jobs where it can not be satisfied by internal resources. The governments of donor and recipient countries have to control labor flows of labor migration. Brain drain is a serious problem for the developing donor countries, as well as illegal migration for the recipient countries. migration control policy should be balanced, in order to discourage illegal migration, at the same time should not be severe enough so as not to create obstacles to the inflow of the necessary workforce. High levels of income inequality has a direct impact on labor migration. The greater the inequality, the higher the rate of international labor migration. Consequently, the high rate of international labor migration stimulates large amount remittansov. On the other hand, it reduces the productive potential and inhibits the economic development of the donor country, but as remittansy used as an investment tool, it is possible, the negative impact of labor migration will be smoothed through investment. Informal remittansy (according to experts) make up thirty percent of the external remittansov sent to Tajikistan. It is necessary to encourage formal remittances sent channels through the use of various bonus and benefit programs for senders and recipients remittansov, as well as increasing the availability of service providers. In the case of a hypothetical situation in which remittansov flow in Tajikistan stopped or reduced the level of poverty in Tajikistan will increase dramatically. Conclusion. In the shortest time necessary to solve the equation at least three unknowns. The first unknown how to attract employers to the Tajik labor market? The second how to quickly and effectively to revive the migration situation after a prolonged recession and decline in production? The third unknown how remittances are put on the rails of the economy? Until now, attempts to assess the Tajik migration factor remained, Tajikistan and Russia, the theoretical task. The time has come to translate into practical calculations to understand how the economic, social benefits can bring to our country the migrant worker.

This report is intended to provide guidance on best practices in mining licensing, based on examples from low, middle and high income countries in Africa, Asia, North America, and South America. It is not a 'how-to guide' or a licensing implementation toolkit, but rather identifies certain common features of successful mining licensing regimes worldwide that other national or sub-national jurisdictions might usefully incorporate in new mining laws and regulations or revisions or existing ones. The case studies and other examples of good and bad practice are intended to provide a cross-section by geography and by income level, and they demonstrate that the prevalence of good and bad practices is not simply a function of income level. Tanzania, one of the poorest countries in the world, has in many respects a better licensing regime than either South Africa or the U.S. State of Wisconsin. In considering these complex issues, it has proven difficult to confine the discussion purely to questions of licensing. Discussion of licensing invariably invokes reference to overall policy and investment climate issues, environmental protection, labor law, taxation, national and sub-national jurisdiction, land tenure, and much more. This report makes no attempt to address all of these in detail but refers to them in reference to their interactions with and effect on, licensing itself. Far more detailed research on mineral policy, taxation, investment climate, and other issues has been carried out, some of it referred to in this report and cited in the footnotes and bibliography.

Cultural heritage, understood as the selection of sites or cultural manifestations transmitted for future generations, is rooted in the nationalist projects of states during European modernity. After the terrible consequences of the world wars this conservation model was universalized searching to preserve the heritage of mankind and supporting, at the same time, the construction of a liberal international order. Since then, international organizations have sought to direct efforts towards this goal. In 1972 the Convention Concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage emerged as a result of discussions at the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). This convention was concerned about the deterioration or disappearance of cultural or natural heritage, something viewed as harmful and an impoverishment of the heritage of all the nations of the world. This is why the agreement summoned the states to participate in the protection of world heritage of outstanding universal value, by cultivating collective cooperation and assistance. A list of monuments and sites that form part of world heritage was established, in terms of aesthetic, historical, artistic or scientific criteria. However, over time, in the selection process of world heritage sites disputes and power asymmetries have arisen between countries around the control of space. This problem can be analyzed through Critical Heritage and Critical Geopolitics approaches, spanning the historical changes and current critical debates about heritage, as well as the political processes of narratives, metaphors and social image constructions around territory. We propose that nominating a territory as a world heritage site generates its alienation. That is, states absorb local territories (understood as a social construct) into dominant national narratives and images, subsequently, countries consolidate their appropriation by enlisting their nationalized territories within the meta-narrative of world heritage. In this process, countries must participate in a highly politicized and structurally unequal international negotiation that reproduces spatial hierarchies. Ultimately, these local territories and practices suffer a process of assimilation into the allegory of world heritage. With this in mind, the aim of this study is to analyze the territorial alienation of properties inscribed on the World Heritage List by Latin American and Caribbean (LAC) countries as a case study. This alienation occurs because, given the conditions of UNESCO, the countries of the region must adopt an artificial set of categories, typologies and narratives, absorbing or denying other territorial practices. This paper is divided in two sections. The first section gives a brief overview of world heritage origins centered on national projects within a specific European context, and explains Critical Heritage and Critical Geopolitics approaches. A discussion of the evolution of world heritage categories and symbolic aspects of power is reviewed, highlighting the imposition of historical narratives in official documents, the reproduction of aesthetic codes and the construction of imaginaries around the past of territories. The second section analyses the particular case of the World Heritage List in Latin America and the Caribbean. In order to study territorial alienations, methodologically we review countries ratifications of the 1972 convention, the total number of sites, obstacles in international negotiations, narratives, as well as historical events commemorated by the world heritage officially recognized in this part of the planet. The inscription of a site on the World Heritage List requires a nomination file. We used the UNESCO's files to detect these historical narratives and discourses. Some conclusions are drawn, our findings would seem to show that world heritage sites in Latina America and the Caribbean are underrepresented compared to Europe and North America. In addition, these sites are geographically concentrated in South America, with the Caribbean as the least favored sub-region. At the beginning, countries were reluctant to ratify the 1972 convention due to the prevailing Cold War context, but gradually all countries in the region accepted the commitment. States like Mexico top the List of World Heritage sites, but others have no sites recognized; differences in the number of sites registered by the countries do not only stem from their geographical attributes and their historical past, but also because of the political, technical and economic potential to participate in diplomatic negotiations at UNESCO. Arguments for inscribing a site as world heritage in this region highlights the relevance of natural and exotic places. This looks like a continuity of dominant imperialist narratives during the conquest and colonization of the continent America. The separation between natural and cultural world heritage is an artificial division adopted, but contrary to some local traditions in the region. The arrival of Europeans to Latin America has been established as a time marker used for example to talk about "pre-Columbian" cultures. In any case, few sites commemorate pre-Columbian civilizations, with the exception of the Mayas and the Incas, which contrasts with the cultural diversity and traditional groups that are not part of these dominant versions of the past. It may be assumed that in historical commemorations of world heritage sites in this region, the colonial past is notoriously overvalued and magnified; that is, it is presented as a favorable stage indicating a kind of cultural sophistication for indigenous people. Amazingly, territories essential to fulfilling their goal of extracting natural resources for the European settlers are now uncritically recognized as world heritage (for example mining centers, plantations, seaports or strategic villages). Similarly, cultural sites of Roman Catholic Christianity are evoked as a favorable contribution for the historical regional memory, but denying impositions around the conflictive and complex process of evangelization; in the same way other religions and beliefs are omitted. There are many colonial sites enlisted as world heritage but very few referring to the modern history of the region, significantly reformist narratives are absent: independence movements, abolition of slavery or contemporary indigenous and black population claims are not raised. In summary, these results suggest that, from a critical perspective, the world heritage sites in Latina America and the Caribbean allow dominant relations to continue through values of European origin, selective historical narratives and illusory images as a colonized region. As long as other relevant regional historical events or social actors are ignored, the regional past and cultural heritage will be incomplete. The region reaffirms its peripheral and subordinated position in the international system through historical narratives acritically adopted. Latin American and Caribbean territories are more than exotic landscapes and places of colonial splendor for tourism. Analyzing world heritage from a critical perspective is a way to re-center the territory as a key axis in this dynamic and to recognize other memories and spatial relations. ; La acumulación de un patrimonio cultural, como una selección de bienes o manifestaciones sociales transmitida sucesivamente para generaciones futuras, se origina en los proyectos nacionalistas de los estados durante la modernidad, principalmente en un contexto europeo. Más adelante, con las funestas consecuencias de las guerras mundiales, este modelo se universaliza para tratar de conformar un patrimonio común a toda la humanidad. A partir de entonces, instituciones internacionales como la Organización de las Naciones Unidas para la Educación, la Ciencia y la Cultura (UNESCO) han buscado dirigir los esfuerzos hacia este fin, de manera central a través de la Convención del Patrimonio Mundial de 1972. Sin embargo, la participación en estos mecanismos está fuertemente politizada y centrada en las capacidades e intereses nacionales de los países, por lo que prevalece una supeditación a estrategias geopolíticas alrededor de la figura estatal. Siguiendo este supuesto, el presente artículo busca analizar críticamente las propiedades del patrimonio mundial enlistadas según lo marcado por la convención de 1972 en el caso particular de América Latina y el Caribe (ALyC), esto desde la perspectiva teórica de la geopolítica crítica. El artículo se compone de dos secciones: en la primera se traza el origen histórico y estatista del patrimonio mundial, abordando los aportes de la teoría crítica del patrimonio y de la geopolítica crítica para estudiar este fenómeno; en la segunda se aborda particularmente la región de ALyC, revisando metodológicamente los procesos de inscripción, tipología, distribución y justificaciones del valor universal excepcional de las propiedades del patrimonio mundial en esta zona del planeta. Considerando que en las luchas interestatales influyen narrativas, imágenes y metáforas para imponer representaciones simbólicas dominantes del espacio, se propone que el patrimonio mundial es una metanarrativa que puede favorecer la alienación de territorios. Esto porque formas sociales de significar, usar y producir un territorio localmente son absorbidas por una memoria histórica nacional, en un primer momento, y alienadas más adelante dentro de un ideal patrimonial de apariencia universal, pero naturaleza selectiva. En esta alienación la imposición de versiones oficiales de la historia, valoraciones con categorías exógenas y alegorías son impuestas institucionalmente, lo cual puede reproducir una jerarquización espacial con centros y periferias. Se concluye que en el patrimonio mundial que se ubica en la región latinoamericana, pese a un proceso tardío de adhesión por desconfianza inicial a la convención de 1972, prevalece una subrepresentación frente a otras regiones del mundo, permean deficiencias estructurales entre países que impiden participar igualitariamente en los órganos decisorios y se presenta una forzada adopción de categorías patrimoniales que propicia una reproducción acrítica de narrativas históricas bajo cánones valorativos europeos. El resultado final es que muchos de estos territorios sufren un proceso de alienación donde se separa en forma artificial la relación entre ser humano y naturaleza, se menosprecia a las culturas originarias y se sobrevalora el legado del pasado colonial europeo, así como del cristianismo católico, lo cual repite una tradición extractivista y periférica de la región, absorbiendo o negando otras relaciones territoriales del pasado y presente.

In the past decade, Latin America and the Caribbean has achieved impressive social and economic successes. For the first time in history, more people are in the middle class than in poverty. Inequality, although still high, declined markedly. Growth, jobs and effective social programs have transformed the lives of millions. In a striking departure from the crisis-prone Latin America of the past, the region has shown it is better prepared to weather the brunt of the global economic slowdown. Now, the region faces the challenge of maintaining and expanding its hard won gains in an adverse context of low growth. This is caused in part by a decrease in commodity prices and reduced economic activity in major commercial partners such as China. In such a scenario, achieving development results - and learning from them - becomes more important. This publication showcases stories about people and how their lives have been improved through better health and education, youth employment, disaster recovery and preparedness, infrastructure, and more.

[spa] La inmigración es un fenómeno social que genera varios desafíos para la convivencia en las sociedades receptoras. Uno de esos desafíos es lograr la convivencia pacífica y democrática entre la población autóctona y los recién llegados. Esto ha motivado la reacción de instituciones de talante democrático que tienen la responsabilidad de promover los valores para fortalecer la cohesión social entre personas de diferentes orígenes culturales en sociedades multiculturales. Los organismos supranacionales europeos han aceptado el término Ciudadanía Activa como un referente deseable para la convivencia porque promueve el respeto mutuo, la no violencia, garantiza los derechos humanos y fortalece los valores de la democracia. Por lo anterior, las políticas públicas en materia de educación para la ciudadanía generalmente parten de tres ideas preconcebidas cuando diseñan los programas educativos en cuestión, a saber: en primer lugar, que la diversidad cultural e identitaria implica problemas de convivencia; en segundo lugar, que la sensación de identidad cultural propia sólida, homogénea, única dificulta la cohesión social en las sociedades multiculturales; y finalmente, que es posible formar a las personas en las competencias propias de la Ciudadanía Activa. Sin embargo, este estudio encontró evidencia empírica de que en Cataluña existe un grupo de personas que no cumplen con las condiciones antes descritas y sí realizan actividades propias de la Ciudadanía Activa. Estas personas son las y los voluntarios para la práctica del catalán. Son personas que, desde una sensación sólida de catalanidad, sin haber recibido nunca educación formal o no formal sobre Ciudadanía Activa, buscan activamente el encuentro y la convivencia con personas de identidades y orígenes culturales distintos. A través de la metodología de la Teoría Fundamentada se identificaron las motivaciones de las y los voluntarios para la práctica del catalán para realizar esta labor, y explicar conceptualmente qué oportunidades y limitaciones presenta este programa de voluntariado para promover la Ciudadanía Activa. La categoría Confianza responsable ayudó a entender los motivos, las variables y los efectos de las y los voluntarios por la práctica del catalán. La identidad propia sigue siendo un factor clave para la cohesión social. Y poseer una sensación de identidad cultural única, homogénea y sólida también fomenta la convivencia en las sociedades multiculturales, y no sólo la sensación de identidad múltiple, híbrida y flexible. Pero esto es posible si se cumplen varias condiciones, entre las cuales están que las personas puedan sentir fuertes certezas en su identidad, estar organizadas y al mismo tiempo realizar procesos de identificación dinámicos. A partir de lo anterior, este estudio propone un Modelo Integrado para el Fortalecimiento de la Ciudadanía Activa como la estrategia política educativa que puede articular el valor de la confianza responsable, el servicio del conocimiento responsable y la obligación del gobierno responsable con la intención de producir políticas públicas que incorporen la noción de Ciudadanía Activa. El Modelo tienen un carácter innovador y eficiente porque, tomando en cuenta la composición piramidal de la Administración Pública catalana, y el proceso vertical a través del cual se motivan, diseñan y aplican las políticas públicas, articula un diseño curricular adecuado en niveles. Puesto que los distintos niveles de actuación de la Administración Pública catalana tienen diferentes necesidades de aprendizaje sobre la noción de Ciudadanía Activa, la aportación de las instituciones académicas radica en diseñar el currículum adecuado a esta situación. El Modelo Integrado para el Fortalecimiento de la Ciudadanía Activa es una estrategia para transversalizar la noción de Ciudadanía Activa porque permea a todas las instituciones a través de un proceso horizontal, y a todos los niveles, a través de un proceso vertical. ; [eng] There is a widespread idea that societies receiving migratory flows behave with hostility towards the immigrants. Thus, three arguments underlie the public policies and educational programmes geared to fostering intercultural values and Active Citizenship competencies in multicultural societies: first, that a strong sense of self-identity is a problem itself in multicultural societies; second, that multiple, hybrids and fluids identities fit better in the social cohesion principles; and third, that it is possible to train people with formal or non-formal educational programmes with the necessary intercultural values and competencies to live together. However, empirical evidence proves that in Catalonia, Spain, there are indigenous people willing to meet voluntarily with people from different cultural background. The volunteers for the practice of the Catalan language do this Active Citizenship practice driven by a strong regional identity and without having had any compulsory or non-formal training in Active Citizenship. This research analyses, through the Grounded Theory methodology, this social phenomenon and proposes the conceptual category Responsible trust as the moral value that allows society to strengthen Active Citizenship among the adult population that is not of compulsory schooling age. This research demonstrates that building flexible, hybrid or multiple identities is not the only way to promote contact between people from different cultural backgrounds, as is commonly said in the European institutional discourse. It is also possible to promote contact between people of different identities if the local identity is reinforced. This form of social cohesion has not been sufficiently studied in multicultural societies, but could offer creative solutions and new values to strengthen Active Citizenship. As a practical result was proposed an Integrated Model to strengthen Active Citizenship. The main characteristics of the Integrated Model are: 1) Their different levels of training courses about Active Citizenship, in relation to the different levels of responsibility to design public policies in the Public Administration; 2) The participation of Academic Institutions, Civil Society and the Public Administration in the design of the curriculum about Active Citizenship; 3) The top-bottom flow of the training courses consider the top-bottom technical process on designing public policies in the Public Administration.

Alongside the destruction of habitat, the impact of invasive alien species (IAS) is considered as one of the most important threats to global biodiversity. Therefore, international directives as well as national legislation call for measures to prevent the further spread of already established IAS as well as to limit their negative effects on native flora and fauna. This study deals with one of these non-native species – the American mink (Neovison vison). In order to get information about ecology and behaviour of this semiaquatic carnivore, a small population in a north German fishpond area, where mink has been spreading since the 1970s, was investigated. During the years 2003 to 2006 data about annual and circadian activity patterns, space use, territorial system as well as feeding habits and their variations during different seasons were collected. For this purpose, altogether 14 individuals (nine males, five females) were monitored using radio-telemetry. Based on the results, the potential impact of American mink on indigenous species was discussed and implications for mink control and management were deduced. American mink are difficult to radio tag. The small difference between their head and neck circumferences mean that the radio collars must be worn tightly to prevent loss. A methodological evaluation of conventional collar transmitters revealed that in six out of eight cases serious skin injuries on the necks were the consequences. Therefore, all radio collars were removed and radio transmitters were surgically implanted in the peritoneal cavity of mink by veterinarians. One male bit open the sutures and died after emergency surgery, but in 13 cases implantation did not affect survival or reproduction of the mink. With reference to animal welfare, intraperitoneal implantation of radio transmitters (in combination with observation and quarantine for several days after operation) instead of external radio collars were recommended for long term telemetry studies of American mink. Analyses of annual activity patterns revealed significant differences in seasonal activity rates. Both sexes reduced their average activity rates in cold winter months (October to February) to about 23 %. This energy-saving strategy is possible because of sufficient food availability, especially of fish, at this time. In March, male as well as female mink considerably increased their activity to almost 40 % due to the mating season. In summer months, during the pup-raising period (May to August), female activity continued to be high (between 40 and 50 %). However, male mink which are not involved in rearing the young, were less active (about 30 %) until July. But in August and September, the time of juvenile dispersal followed by changes in the territorial system and intraspecific aggression, activity rates of males increased again up to 43 %. Circadian activity rhythms differed markedly between sexes. All investigated females exhibited a perennial diurnal pattern. Three of five investigated male mink showed typical nocturnal activity throughout the year. Two males displayed arrhythmic behaviour; they did not prefer any time of the day for activity. On the one hand, gender differences in annual as well as circadian activity patterns of American mink reflect the diversity in ecological constraints, primarily the investment into reproduction. On the other hand, the different temporal strategies of sexes may have the potential to reduce intraspecific, especially intersexual competition. Investigating territorial systems and space use of mink, in comparison to other European studies, relatively large home ranges combined with a quite low population density were observed. In summer months male mink used on average 15.4 km length of waterway and female mink used on average 9.3 km length of waterway. In accordance with the trend of activity rates, male and female mink reduced their large summer home ranges by more than half during the cold winter period. But all-season male mink used significantly larger areas than female mink. High intersexual overlapping rates of home ranges and low levels of intrasexual overlapping of neighbouring home ranges confirm intrasexual territoriality of American mink. Probably, the low population density (0.6-0.7 individuals/km2) allows such high variations in seasonal and sexual home range size. During the mating season males considerably enlarged their home ranges and roamed nearly through the entire study area in search of receptive females. The shifting of stable temporary home ranges observed within one season or between the same seasons of consecutive years demonstrates the highly dynamic nature of spatial behaviour among American mink. The recorded characteristic features of spatial and temporal behaviour should be considered when planning monitoring- and management measures of this invasive carnivore. For instance, the reduced home ranges and activity rates during winter months should be taken into account in mink trapping projects. Analyses of more than 2500 scatsamples of radio tracked mink show that investigated animals principally prey on fish, small mammals and birds (eggs inclusive). There were significant seasonal variations of diet composition. In spring, the three categories of prey - fish, mammals and birds (eggs inclusive) - were hunted in similar amounts. During summer, birds and their eggs made up the main part of the diet followed by mammals. In autumn, the proportion of birds in the mink diet decreased, whereas fish gained in importance. This trend continued during the winter period, when mink preyed almost exclusively on fish. Throughout the entire year amphibians, crustaceans, insects, molluscs and reptiles were found only occasionally in scatsamples. Among birds, the mink preyed mainly on the Eurasian Coot (Fulica atra) followed by the Mallard (Anas platyrhynchos). Mammalian prey was clearly dominated by the water vole (Arvicola terrestris) and among fish, mink hunted especially perch (Perca fluviatilis), roach (Rutilus rutilus) and carp (Cyprinus carpio). Results clearly demonstrate that mink is an opportunistic predator, which hunts its prey according to availability and vulnerability, respectively. Despite the high portions of fish in the autumn and winter diet, the economic damage to fishery caused by mink seems to be low. Perch and roach were preyed on in higher frequencies than the carp which is economically relevant. However, high predation on birds and their eggs during the breeding season indicates a potential negative impact of mink on waterfowl. To summarise, it can be noted that characteristic features of the anthropogenically influenced study area affect feeding habits, activity patterns, space use and density of local mink population. In this regard the management of fishponds, which influences seasonal availability of habitat- and food resources for mink, plays an important role. American mink is regarded as "invasive", because a negative impact on native species has been proved by several European studies. Consequently, this study recommends management with a focus on effective monitoring and, if necessary, control or exclusion measures adapted to the specific local requirements. Furthermore, to prevent additional introductions into the wild, the still existing farms have to be protected against outbreaks and liberations. In the long term, a general ban on the trade and keeping of American mink would be desirable.:1 Summary 1 2 Zusammenfassung 4 3 General Introduction 8 4 Study Area and Methods 12 5 Radio tagging American mink (Mustela vison) – experience with collar- and intraperitoneal implanted transmitters 14 6 Gender differences in activity patterns of American mink Neovison vison in Germany 15 7 Dynamics in space use of American mink (Neovison vison) in a fishpond area in Northern Germany 16 8 Feeding habits of invasive American mink (Neovison vison) in northern Germany—potential implications for fishery and waterfowl 17 9 Concluding Discussion 18 9.1 Activity patterns, Space use and Feeding habits as well as the potential ecological and economic Impact 18 9.2 Prevention and Management 22 10 References 27 Acknowledgement 34 ; Der Einfluss invasiver, gebietsfremder Arten wird neben der Habitatzerstörung als eine der größten Gefährdungen der Biodiversität weltweit angesehen. Sowohl internationale Umweltvereinbarungen als auch die nationale Gesetzgebung fordern daher Maßnahmen, die eine weitere Ausbreitung bereits etablierter invasiver Neozoen verhindern und deren negative Einflüsse minimieren. Die vorliegende Studie befasst sich mit einer dieser Neozoen - dem Amerikanischen Nerz bzw. Mink (Neovison vison). Um Erkenntnisse zu Ökologie und Verhalten des semiaquatischen Musteliden in Deutschland zu gewinnen, wurden Daten zu tages- und jahreszeitlichen Aktivitätsmustern, zu Raumnutzung und Territorialsystem sowie zur Nahrungswahl und den jahreszeitlichen Unterschieden im Beutespektrum der Art erhoben. Dafür konnten in den Jahren 2003 bis 2006 in einem Fischteich-Gebiet in Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, wo sich Minke bereits seit den 1970er Jahren etabliert haben, insgesamt 14 Individuen (neun Männchen, fünf Weibchen) radiotelemetrisch überwacht werden. Anhand der Ergebnisse wird einerseits der potentielle Einfluss des gebietsfremden Raubsäugers auf einheimische Arten abgeschätzt und diskutiert. Andererseits werden die Ergebnisse herangezogen, um effektive Monitoring- und Managementmaßnahmen abzuleiten. Eine methodische Evaluation von Halsbandsendern zeigte, dass in sechs von acht Fällen die getesteten Halsbänder, die aufgrund des sehr ähnlichen Hals-Kopf-Umfanges der Individuen relativ eng angelegt werden müssen, Hautverletzungen verursachten. Infolgedessen wurden die Halsbandsender gegen durch Tierärzte operativ in die Bauchhöhle eingesetzte Implantationssender ausgetauscht. Auch bei allen nachfolgend gefangenen Tieren wurden die Sender implantiert. Bei insgesamt 14 durchgeführten Erstimplantationen beeinflussten mit Ausnahme eines Falles (Tod durch Aufbeißen der Naht) die Implantate weder das Überleben, noch die Reproduktion der Minke. Daher ist v.a. in Hinblick auf Tierschutzaspekte die Senderimplantation (in Kombination mit einer Mehrtages-Quarantäne) anstatt der Verwendung von externen Halsbandsendern zu empfehlen. Die Analyse der circannuellen Aktivitätsmuster ergab signifikante Unterschiede der saisonalen Aktivitätsraten. Während der kalten Wintermonate (Oktober bis Februar) zeigten beide Geschlechter mit durchschnittlich etwa 23 % eine vergleichsweise geringe Aktivität. Diese energiesparende Verhaltensweise war möglich, da auch im Winter ein ausreichend hohes Nahrungsangebot, vor allem an Fisch, vorhanden war. Im März kam es sowohl bei den Männchen als auch bei den Weibchen zu einem durch die Paarungszeit verursachten, beträchtlichen Anstieg der mittleren Aktivitätsraten auf fast 40 %. In den Sommermonaten (Mai bis August) waren die weiblichen Tiere, durch die Anforderungen der Jungenaufzucht bedingt, anhaltend häufig aktiv (zwischen 40 und 50 %). Die Aktivitätsraten der nicht an der Jungenaufzucht beteiligten Männchen dagegen nahmen im April wieder ab, um bis zum Juli auf einem vergleichsweise geringen Niveau von etwa 30 % zu bleiben. Sie stiegen jedoch während der Monate August und September erneut auf etwa 43 % an. Zu dieser Zeit wandern gewöhnlich die Jungtiere ab und suchen sich ein eigenes Streifgebiet (= Aktionsraum), dadurch kommt es zu Änderungen im Territorialsystem und damit einhergehenden innerartlichen Auseinandersetzungen. Beide Geschlechter unterscheiden sich stark in ihren tageszeitlichen Aktivitätsrhythmen. Alle Weibchen waren ganzjährig tagaktiv. Von den fünf untersuchten Männchen zeigten drei typische Nachtaktivität im gesamten Jahresverlauf. Die beiden anderen männlichen Tiere verhielten sich in ihren Aktivitätsrhythmen indifferent, sie zeigten das ganze Jahr über keine Präferenzen für eine bestimmte Tageszeit. Die geschlechtsspezifischen Unterschiede sowohl in den circannuellen als auch in den circadianen Aktivitätsmustern spiegeln zum einen die verschiedenen Anforderungen an die Geschlechter wieder, vor allem die Investitionen in die Fortpflanzung. Zum anderen können die geschlechtsspezifisch unterschiedlichen Zeitnutzungs-Strategien zu einer Minimierung der innerartlichen, vorzugsweise der intersexuellen Konkurrenz führen. Die Analyse der Telemetriedaten hinsichtlich Raumnutzung und Territorialsystem ergab im Vergleich zu anderen europäischen Studien relativ große individuelle Aktionsräume verbunden mit einer geringen Populationsdichte im Untersuchungsgebiet. So erstreckten sich die durchschnittlich genutzten Sommerstreifgebiete der Männchen auf 15,4 km und die der Weibchen auf 9,3 km Flusslauf bzw. Teichufer. Entsprechend dem Trend der saisonalen Aktivitätsmuster, reduzierten beide Geschlechter ihre großen Sommerstreifgebiete während der Winterhalbjahre um mehr als die Hälfte der Fläche. Allerdings nutzten die Männchen zu allen Jahreszeiten wesentlich größere Aktionsräume als die weiblichen Minke. Große Streifgebietsüberlappungen zwischen den Geschlechtern sowie verhältnismäßig niedrige Überlappungsraten der benachbarten Streifgebiete von Tieren des gleichen Geschlechts bestätigen die intrasexuelle Territorialität der Art. Die erheblichen Unterschiede der saisonalen und geschlechtsspezifischen Aktionsraumgrößen werden vermutlich durch die ermittelte, vergleichsweise geringe Populationsdichte (0,6-0,7 Individuen/km2) ermöglicht. Die ausgedehnte und sich fast über das gesamte Untersuchungsgebiet erstreckende Raumnutzung der Männchen während der Paarungszeit ist durch die Suche nach fortpflanzungsbereiten Weibchen bedingt. Die Raumnutzung der untersuchten Minke unterliegt einer hohen Dynamik, dies wird durch die häufige räumliche Verschiebung temporär stabiler Streifgebiete innerhalb einer Jahreszeit oder auch zwischen den gleichen Jahreszeiten aufeinanderfolgender Jahre verdeutlicht. All diese ermittelten charakteristischen Besonderheiten im Raum-Zeit-Verhalten der Art sollten bei der Entwicklung von Monitoring- und Managementkonzepten berücksichtigt werden. So müssen beispielsweise bei der Fallenjagd im Winter die zu dieser Zeit stark verkleinerten Streifgebiete und die reduzierten Aktivitätsraten Beachtung finden. Die Analyse der über 2500 Losungsproben telemetrierter Minke zeigte, dass sich die untersuchten Tiere hauptsächlich von Fisch, Kleinsäugern und Vögeln (inklusive deren Eiern) ernährten. Dabei traten allerdings signifikante saisonale Unterschiede in der Nahrungs-zusammensetzung auf. So wurden im Frühjahr die drei Beutekategorien Fisch, Kleinsäuger sowie Vögel und deren Eier in ähnlichen Anteilen erbeutet. Während des Sommers bildeten Vögel und Vogeleier die Hauptbeute, gefolgt von Kleinsäugern. Im Herbst verringerte sich der Vogel- und Kleinsäugeranteil im Beutespektrum zugunsten von Fisch. Dieser Trend setzte sich bis in den Winter fort; in dieser Jahreszeit ernährten sich die Minke fast ausschließlich von Fisch. Amphibien, Reptilien, Krebstiere, Insekten und Mollusken wurden im gesamten Jahresverlauf nur gelegentlich gefressen. Innerhalb der Gruppe der Vögel prädierten die Minke vor allem Blässhühner (Fulica atra), gefolgt von Stockenten (Anas platyrhynchos). Das Kleinsäuger-Beutespektrum wurde eindeutig von der Schermaus (Arvicola terrestris) dominiert und unter den Fischen erbeuteten die Minke vorzugsweise Flussbarsche (Perca fluviatilis), Plötzen (Rutilus rutilus) und Karpfen (Cyprinus carpio). Die Ergebnisse der Nahrungsanalyse bestätigen den Mink als einen opportunistischen Prädator, der seine Beutetiere je nach Verfügbarkeit bzw. dem erforderlichen Jagdaufwand nutzt. Trotz des hohen Fischanteils in der Herbst- und Winternahrung ist der durch den Mink verursachte ökonomische Schaden schätzungsweise relativ gering. Flussbarsch und Plötze wurden in höheren Frequenzanteilen erbeutet als der wirtschaftlich relevante Karpfen. Die starke Prädation von Wasservögeln und deren Eiern besonders in den Frühjahrs- und Sommermonaten weist allerdings auf einen potentiell negativen Einfluss des invasiven Raubsäugers auf diese Tiergruppe hin. Zusammenfassend lässt sich festhalten, dass die spezifischen Charakteristika des anthropogen geprägten Untersuchungsgebietes sowohl Nahrungsökologie und Aktivitätsmuster als auch Raumnutzung und Populationsdichte der lokalen Minkpopulation beeinflussen. Eine besondere Rolle hierbei spielt die Bewirtschaftung der Fischteiche, denn vor allem daraus resultiert für die Minke eine saisonal unterschiedliche Verfügbarkeit an Lebensraum und Nahrung. Negative Auswirkungen des Amerikanischen Nerzes auf die einheimische Tierwelt wurden in anderen europäischen Ländern belegt und rechtfertigen die Einstufung dieser Art als "invasiv". Demzufolge wird in der vorliegenden Arbeit ein Management empfohlen, bei dem der Focus auf einem effektiven Monitoring und gegebenenfalls auf zweckmäßigen, an die lokalen Bedingungen angepassten Fang- oder Abwehrmaßnahmen liegt. Zudem sollten, um einer weiteren Ausbringung in das Freiland vorzubeugen, die wenigen noch existierenden Minkfarmen besser gegen Ausbrüche bzw. Freilassungsaktionen gesichert werden. Langfristig ist ein generelles Besitz- und Vermarktungsverbot für die Art wünschenswert.:1 Summary 1 2 Zusammenfassung 4 3 General Introduction 8 4 Study Area and Methods 12 5 Radio tagging American mink (Mustela vison) – experience with collar- and intraperitoneal implanted transmitters 14 6 Gender differences in activity patterns of American mink Neovison vison in Germany 15 7 Dynamics in space use of American mink (Neovison vison) in a fishpond area in Northern Germany 16 8 Feeding habits of invasive American mink (Neovison vison) in northern Germany—potential implications for fishery and waterfowl 17 9 Concluding Discussion 18 9.1 Activity patterns, Space use and Feeding habits as well as the potential ecological and economic Impact 18 9.2 Prevention and Management 22 10 References 27 Acknowledgement 34

The purpose of this report is to inform practitioners on gender dynamics in Bolivia as they relate to natural resource management and climate change. This is done to provide new knowledge for mainstreaming gender into rural development projects. The aim is to go beyond general gender assumptions and provide more detailed empirical knowledge on differentiated gender roles and the relative access of women and men to resources. The report will demonstrate that women and men in rural Bolivia have many different roles and opportunities, which are not equally distributed. The paper will also show that these roles are changing as a result of both general development trends and climate change. Further, evidence demonstrates that women and men experience vulnerability and adapt to climate change differently. As a result, rural development and adaptation strategies should integrate the relative capacities of women and men and respond to their particular needs. This will help avoid counterproductive out comes that widen gender gaps and allow for more sustainable, pro-poor rural development. This report will begin by introducing the methodology and case study regions. It will then examine in detail the specific roles of women and men in rural Bolivia. Next it will look at the gendered access to and control over resources and how gender roles, access and control are changing as a result of climate change. The report will finish with some general conclusions and specific recommendations for development practitioners in rural Bolivia.

The revolutionary violence that swept Kyiv's Maidan Square on the night of February 21, 2014 unleashed the forces of Ukrainian nationalism and, ultimately, Russian revanchism, and resulted in, among other things, the first full-scale land war in Europe since 1945.President Volodymyr Zelensky has called the Maidan the "first victory" in Ukraine's fight for independence from Russia. Yet too often lost in the tributes to Ukraine's 'Revolution of Dignity' are two simple, though ramifying, questions: What was the Maidan really about? And did things have to turn out this way?Revisiting the events of that time may help us more fully understand how we arrived at this fateful moment in world affairs.So, what precipitated the Maidan Revolution?In November 2013, Ukrainian President Victor Yanukovych rejected the terms of the European Union Association Agreement in favor of a $15 billion credit agreement offered by the Russian Federation. Many in the western part of Ukraine had supported the EU deal, as it would have, in their view, secured Ukraine's future within Europe.But, as the Europeans, Americans, Ukrainians and Russians knew full well, the association agreement with Brussels wasn't merely a trade deal. Section 2.3 of the EU-Ukraine association agenda would have required the signatories to:"...take measures to foster military cooperation and cooperation of technical character between the EU and Ukraine [and] encourage and facilitate direct cooperation on concrete activities, jointly identified by both sides, between relevant Ukrainian institutions and CFSP/CSDP agencies and bodies such as the European Defence Agency, the European Union Institute for Security Studies, the European Union Satellite Centre and the European Security and Defence College."In other words, the trade deal also included the encouragement of military interoperability with forces viewed, rightly or wrongly, by the Russian government as a threat to Russian national security.In addition, the EU association agenda required Ukraine to put up barriers to trade with Russia. An alternative proposal put forward by Romano Prodi (former Italian Prime Minister and EU Commission president) would have allowed Ukraine to trade with both Russia and the EU but was rejected by Brussels.Yanukovych's rejection of the EU agreement brought thousands of protesters to Kyiv's Independence (Maidan) Square. Yet policy disagreements over issues of trade and national security can and are routinely adjudicated via democratic procedures, as they are in the U.S. and Europe. And such an adjudication was eminently possible, even as late as the morning of February 21, 2014, when a deal brokered by Russia and the EU was struck between Yanukovych and the Ukrainian opposition that included a revision of Ukraine's constitution, the creation of a unity government, and an early presidential election to be held 10 months later in December 2014.But on the night of February 21, Yanukovych fled, and a new government was installed by voluntarist rather than democratic means. The immediate post-Maidan government included the far-right Svoboda Party, whose members, according to a contemporaneous Reuters report, held "five senior roles in Ukraine's new government including the post of deputy prime minister."Edmund Wilson once wrote that "it is all too easy to idealize a social upheaval which takes place in some other country than one's own." And that was a trap into which the Obama administration — along with almost the entirety of the American media, intelligentsia and think tank world — fell in the immediate aftermath of the Maidan.It would be fair of critics of this view (and there are many) to ask: What were their alternatives to the Obama administration's support for the Maidan and Kyiv's post-revolutionary government?Mr. Obama might have said "A deal was struck. Stick to it." This would have required a degree of statesmanship unusual to any American president. But, as Eurasia Group president Ian Bremmer observed only a month later, "...there was a deal that was cut with the European foreign ministers. That deal was abrogated and the Americans were very happy to jump on that immediately in ways that would have been completely unacceptable to anyone in the U.S. administration if we had been on the other side."And so, the U.S. lent its support to the post-Maidan government (and the Anti-Terrorist Operation, or ATO, launched in April 2014) against the largely, but of course far from entirely, indigenous uprising in the Donbas. Thus began the first phase of the war, which lasted until the evening of February 24, 2022 and cost 14,000 dead and 1.5 million refugees.In addition to the ATO, Kyiv also pursued a policy of decommunization in the east (later cited by Putin as among his many grievances with post-Maidan Kyiv) and repeatedly refused to implement the Minsk Accords. As a former U.S. Ambassador to the USSR, Jack F. Matlock, noted in Responsible Statecraft, "The war might have been prevented — probably would have been prevented — if Ukraine had been willing to abide by the Minsk agreement, recognize the Donbas as an autonomous entity within Ukraine, avoid NATO military advisors, and pledge not to enter NATO."The second phase of the war opened on the evening of February 24, 2022, as some 190,000 Russian troops invaded Ukraine. The costs to Ukraine have been staggering.The World Economic Forum recently estimated that the cost of Ukrainian reconstruction will reach $1 trillion. Still more, "Approximately 20% of the country's farmland has been wrecked and 30% of land either littered with landmines or unexploded ordnance." Casualty estimates are known to be among the most closely held state secrets during wartime, but some, like former Ukraine prosecutor general Yuriy Lutsenko, have estimated Ukraine suffered a combined 500,000 dead and wounded in its war with Russia. Meanwhile, the population of Ukraine has plummeted from 45.5 million in 2013 to an estimated 37 million today.Looking back, the warnings issued by a small minority in the winter of 2014, including, but not limited to: the present authors; Professor Stephen F. Cohen; The Quincy Institute's Anatol Lieven; Ambassador Jack Matlock; Professor John J. Mearsheimer; and others were dismissed by the Obama administration, policymakers, the media and the most influential think tanks in Washington. Yet the effort to wrest Ukraine into the West's orbit via revolutionary violence, despite the objections of fully a third of that country, has been nothing short of catastrophic.

The Philippines has made significant progress in empowering women and in advancing gender equality. The government's policy on gender equality and women's empowerment has prioritized women's economic empowerment, advancing human rights and enhancing gender-responsive local governance. All these priority concerns are integral components of poverty reduction programs in the Philippines. The Philippines has made significant progress in empowering women and in advancing gender equality. Since the government introduced a constitution in 1987 affirming the equality of women, it has pursued a number of initiatives to mainstream gender concerns in national policies and programs. A development plan for women was launched in 1987, followed by a plan for gender-responsive development, 1995-2025, coordinated by the National Commission on the Role of Filipino women. In 2004, the commission drafted a framework plan for women that identify three priority concerns to meet the objectives of gender equality and women's empowerment: economic empowerment of women, protection and fulfillment of women's human rights, and gender-responsive governance. Projects that support these priorities will facilitate more equitable development across the Philippines, including supporting the full participation of women in political processes and governance in the international and national local level, strengthening gender-sensitive and inclusive programs and mechanisms with civil society, and increasing women's access to economic resources such as capital, technology, information, markets, and training.

Eerste gepubliseer op www.litnet.co.za. LitNet Akademies is LitNet se afdeling vir geakkrediteerde akademiese navorsingsartikels. ; Navorsing deur Schlemmer (2010) toon aan dat taalverskuiwing na Engels in 'n redelik groot mate by bruin Afrikaanssprekendes en in 'n geringer mate by wit Afrikaanssprekendes plaasvind. Ook is daar 'n groot toename in taalvermenging onder veral wit Afrikaanssprekendes, wat moontlik 'n gevaarteken vir Afrikaans is. In hierdie artikel word die faktore en tendense beskryf wat gelei het tot funksie- en statusverlies vir Afrikaans. Ook faktore wat taalverskuiwing bevorder en die verswakking van kragte wat taalverskuiwing kan teëwerk, word onder die loep geneem. Tendense en faktore wat destruktief is vir die voortbestaan van die taal, is globalisering, die staat se transformasiemaatreëls (soos regstellende aksie en verteenwoordigendheid), die owerheid se onverskillige houding teenoor inheemse tale, die disintegrasie van Afrikaner-nasionalisme, die negatiewe gevolge van 'n onverwerkte verlede en demografiese marginalisering. Daar is egter ook konstruktiewe faktore en tendense wat waarskynlik verhoed dat taalverskuiwing groter afmetings aanneem. Dit is die lewenskragtigheid en aantrekkingskrag van die Afrikaanse kultuur, die gehalte van Afrikaanse skole, die ontluikende verwerking van die verlede deur Afrikaners en optredes van die burgerlike samelewing, wat 'n mate van aktivisme en skepping van selfhelpinstellings insluit. Ook is daar obstruktiewe tendense wat positief of negatief kan ontwikkel, soos pogings om taalvermenging teen te gaan, die ontwikkeling van nuwe tegnologie en pogings om betrekkinge tussen wit en bruin Afrikaanssprekendes te verbeter. Taalhandhawing is daarop gerig om positiewe tendense positief te hou en obstruktiewe tendense in 'n positiewe rigting te laat ontwikkel, sodat die destruktiewe tendense en faktore gestuit of selfs omgekeer kan word. Ten slotte word twee moontlikhede vir die toekoms geskets. Die een kom neer op 'n voortsetting van 'n passiewe houding teenoor destruktiewe tendense en prosesse en die ander op die aanvaarding van verantwoordelikheid vir die behoud van die taal, wat aktivisme en selfhelpinstellings insluit waar die houding van die owerheid dit noodsaak. ; Language shift and language maintenance in the Afrikaans community: trends and perspectives for the future Research conducted by Schlemmer (2010) indicated that a significant language shift towards English is taking place among Afrikaans-speaking coloured people, and to a lesser extent among white Afrikaners. In terms of percentages, white Afrikaans-speaking adults increased from 57,1 percent in 1993 to 57,6 percent in 2008, while coloured Afrikaans speakers declined from 83,4 percent in 1993 to 77,3 percent in 2008. The moderate growth in the number of whites using Afrikaans as their mother tongue conceals a worrying trend of language shift. Among coloured adults the percentage of Afrikaans speakers decreased markedly due to language shift. Yet previous studies indicated that the coloured Afrikaans-speaking demographic has enjoyed steady growth, especially outside the Cape Peninsula. This could indicate the emergence of regional polarisation, resulting in localised language shift toward English in the Cape Town metropolitan area. Surveys also indicate the proliferation of English as an additional language. Whereas in 2003 only 30,1 percent of white Afrikaans households used English, its usage increased to 50,4 percent in 2008. The corresponding figures for coloured households indicate that English was an additional language in 36,9 percent of households in 2003, which grew to 45,4 percent in 2008. Coloured Afrikaans speakers have traditionally mixed their mother tongue with English, but (as the above figures demonstrate) in five years mixed language use among Afrikaans-speaking whites surpassed that of coloureds. The extent of language mixture varies: from a sporadic English word, up to whole sentences could be inserted. Schlemmer posits that Afrikaans speakers are returning to a situation similar to that of a century ago, when many Afrikaners utilised Dutch or English for the purposes of formal or technical communication (sometimes even in love letters). He suggests that this should serve as a warning sign regarding the Afrikaans language. This article describes the factors and trends leading to the loss of status and function of the Afrikaans language; factors which promote language shift; and the weakening of forces that oppose language shift. Trends and factors which are seen as destructive toward the continued existence of the language include globalisation, the parameters of transformation implemented by the state, such as affirmative action, the authorities' reckless attitude towards indigenous languages, the disintegration of Afrikaner nationalism, demographic marginalisation, and the negative consequences of an unrealised peace. Many whites still harbour feelings of guilt about apartheid, while others have lost confidence in the future due to a lack of self-determination. Similarly, coloureds have not shaken off the painful memories of life under apartheid. The authors demonstrate the destructive consequences of transformation for the Afrikaans language, citing Malan (2010a:427): "If transformation has developed into the master concept of our post-1994 public order, representivity is the principal instrument for achieving transformation." Many preeminent commentators suggest that legal and political representivity play a destructive role. Even though according to the Constitution representivity is applicable only to judges and civil servants, its application has been extended to civil society, the corporate sector, non-profit organisations and NGOs. The authors further indicate how transformation has undermined Afrikaans as a language of practical communication in broadcasting, legal practice, at universities and in schools. Controversially, education departments have changed language policies in Afrikaans schools; decisions which have been implemented at great cost of time and resources. Such policy changes were subsequently contested in high-profile court cases such as those of Middelburg, Mikro and Ermelo. One of the multitude of problems that has emerged in legal practice has been the interpretation between English and Afrikaans in court cases. Whereas the courts have traditionally been effective at interpreting between English or Afrikaans and African languages, they are proving to be largely inept at interpreting between English and Afrikaans. Interpretation between these two languages is often unavailable, or of such poor quality that Afrikaans witnesses and accused often choose to testify in English, arguably to their detriment. With regard to demographics the authors point to the consequences of unequal growth in the composition of the South African population. On the one hand, large-scale emigration by white Afrikaans speakers has accentuated the problems of an existing low birth rate, which is now below the replacement rate (by comparison, the Afrikaans-speaking coloured demographic has only recently reached the replacement birth rate). In contrast, the black population exhibits a high birth rate and an influx of immigrants from the rest of Africa. However, there are also several constructive trends and factors which have prevented the process of language shift from attaining greater momentum. These are the quality of Afrikaans schools, the attempts of Afrikaners to come to grips with the past, and the activities of civil society, which include the measures of activism and the establishment of self-help initiatives. The most significant constructive trend has proved to be the vitality and allure of the Afrikaans culture. Contributing to this is the scope and variety of Afrikaans literature, the various printed and electronic media publications, and the expanding activities of the new media, for example online journals such as LitNet. The growing number of Afrikaans arts and music festivals have also become popular attractions. Afrikaans culture is blossoming – one aspect which cannot be directly controlled by the ANC. However, areas where the state is predominant pose a difficult challenge: the SABC has drastically curtailed Afrikaans television since 1994 (while it flourishes through private broadcasters such as kykNET). Obstructive trends have also been identified which have the potential to develop either positively or negatively, such as attempts to consciously counter language-mixing, the development of new technologies, and attempts to foster a closer relationship between coloured and white Afrikaans speakers. The preeminent now deceased Afrikaans linguist Fritz Ponelis suggested that it is futile to supplant standard Afrikaans with a hybrid or mixed language. In his opinion, such a language would be unable to stand its ground against the long-term encroachment of English. Regarding cooperation between the white and coloured Afrikaans communities Giliomee (2010) differentiated between two groups of coloured Afrikaans speakers. The educated working and middle classes exhibit an enthusiasm for Afrikaans and for initiatives promoting Afrikaans, as is evident in the successes of the ACVV, Kindersorg and the Stigting vir die Bemagtiging in Afrikaans.However, a different picture emerges among the coloured "elite". This group still maintains sensitive memories of apartheid, resulting in their rejection of Afrikaans and the subsequent adoption of English as a language of mobility and aspiration. Giliomee (2010) notes that many members of the coloured elite occupying senior positions in the civil service, university management and large companies tend to be strongly progressive and individualistic, resulting in a close association with English and the subsequent values and worldview the language promotes. Such individuals generally support the government's pursuance of race-based transformation and its policy of English as the language of access in society. In 2006, during an ATKV conference, Neville Alexander pointed out that it is still too early to speak of an Afrikaans language community. For now, the focus should be on the shared interests of Afrikaans speakers, of which effective education and tuition in Afrikaans is the most important. The authors expect that the language policy and practices of the authorities will remain unchanged, and that the Afrikaans community will have to reckon with continued aloofness, animosity and recklessness from government. Therefore taking ownership and responsibility is essential for initiatives and institutions which aim to promote Afrikaans as a language of communication, education and job creation.

Eerste gepubliseer op www.litnet.co.za. LitNet Akademies is LitNet se afdeling vir geakkrediteerde akademiese navorsingsartikels. ; Navorsing deur Schlemmer (2010) toon aan dat taalverskuiwing na Engels in 'n redelik groot mate by bruin Afrikaanssprekendes en in 'n geringer mate by wit Afrikaanssprekendes plaasvind. Ook is daar 'n groot toename in taalvermenging onder veral wit Afrikaanssprekendes, wat moontlik 'n gevaarteken vir Afrikaans is. In hierdie artikel word die faktore en tendense beskryf wat gelei het tot funksie- en statusverlies vir Afrikaans. Ook faktore wat taalverskuiwing bevorder en die verswakking van kragte wat taalverskuiwing kan teëwerk, word onder die loep geneem. Tendense en faktore wat destruktief is vir die voortbestaan van die taal, is globalisering, die staat se transformasiemaatreëls (soos regstellende aksie en verteenwoordigendheid), die owerheid se onverskillige houding teenoor inheemse tale, die disintegrasie van Afrikaner-nasionalisme, die negatiewe gevolge van 'n onverwerkte verlede en demografiese marginalisering. Daar is egter ook konstruktiewe faktore en tendense wat waarskynlik verhoed dat taalverskuiwing groter afmetings aanneem. Dit is die lewenskragtigheid en aantrekkingskrag van die Afrikaanse kultuur, die gehalte van Afrikaanse skole, die ontluikende verwerking van die verlede deur Afrikaners en optredes van die burgerlike samelewing, wat 'n mate van aktivisme en skepping van selfhelpinstellings insluit. Ook is daar obstruktiewe tendense wat positief of negatief kan ontwikkel, soos pogings om taalvermenging teen te gaan, die ontwikkeling van nuwe tegnologie en pogings om betrekkinge tussen wit en bruin Afrikaanssprekendes te verbeter. Taalhandhawing is daarop gerig om positiewe tendense positief te hou en obstruktiewe tendense in 'n positiewe rigting te laat ontwikkel, sodat die destruktiewe tendense en faktore gestuit of selfs omgekeer kan word. Ten slotte word twee moontlikhede vir die toekoms geskets. Die een kom neer op 'n voortsetting van 'n passiewe houding teenoor destruktiewe tendense en prosesse en die ander op die aanvaarding van verantwoordelikheid vir die behoud van die taal, wat aktivisme en selfhelpinstellings insluit waar die houding van die owerheid dit noodsaak. ; Language shift and language maintenance in the Afrikaans community: trends and perspectives for the future Research conducted by Schlemmer (2010) indicated that a significant language shift towards English is taking place among Afrikaans-speaking coloured people, and to a lesser extent among white Afrikaners. In terms of percentages, white Afrikaans-speaking adults increased from 57,1 percent in 1993 to 57,6 percent in 2008, while coloured Afrikaans speakers declined from 83,4 percent in 1993 to 77,3 percent in 2008. The moderate growth in the number of whites using Afrikaans as their mother tongue conceals a worrying trend of language shift. Among coloured adults the percentage of Afrikaans speakers decreased markedly due to language shift. Yet previous studies indicated that the coloured Afrikaans-speaking demographic has enjoyed steady growth, especially outside the Cape Peninsula. This could indicate the emergence of regional polarisation, resulting in localised language shift toward English in the Cape Town metropolitan area. Surveys also indicate the proliferation of English as an additional language. Whereas in 2003 only 30,1 percent of white Afrikaans households used English, its usage increased to 50,4 percent in 2008. The corresponding figures for coloured households indicate that English was an additional language in 36,9 percent of households in 2003, which grew to 45,4 percent in 2008. Coloured Afrikaans speakers have traditionally mixed their mother tongue with English, but (as the above figures demonstrate) in five years mixed language use among Afrikaans-speaking whites surpassed that of coloureds. The extent of language mixture varies: from a sporadic English word, up to whole sentences could be inserted. Schlemmer posits that Afrikaans speakers are returning to a situation similar to that of a century ago, when many Afrikaners utilised Dutch or English for the purposes of formal or technical communication (sometimes even in love letters). He suggests that this should serve as a warning sign regarding the Afrikaans language. This article describes the factors and trends leading to the loss of status and function of the Afrikaans language; factors which promote language shift; and the weakening of forces that oppose language shift. Trends and factors which are seen as destructive toward the continued existence of the language include globalisation, the parameters of transformation implemented by the state, such as affirmative action, the authorities' reckless attitude towards indigenous languages, the disintegration of Afrikaner nationalism, demographic marginalisation, and the negative consequences of an unrealised peace. Many whites still harbour feelings of guilt about apartheid, while others have lost confidence in the future due to a lack of self-determination. Similarly, coloureds have not shaken off the painful memories of life under apartheid. The authors demonstrate the destructive consequences of transformation for the Afrikaans language, citing Malan (2010a:427): "If transformation has developed into the master concept of our post-1994 public order, representivity is the principal instrument for achieving transformation." Many preeminent commentators suggest that legal and political representivity play a destructive role. Even though according to the Constitution representivity is applicable only to judges and civil servants, its application has been extended to civil society, the corporate sector, non-profit organisations and NGOs. The authors further indicate how transformation has undermined Afrikaans as a language of practical communication in broadcasting, legal practice, at universities and in schools. Controversially, education departments have changed language policies in Afrikaans schools; decisions which have been implemented at great cost of time and resources. Such policy changes were subsequently contested in high-profile court cases such as those of Middelburg, Mikro and Ermelo. One of the multitude of problems that has emerged in legal practice has been the interpretation between English and Afrikaans in court cases. Whereas the courts have traditionally been effective at interpreting between English or Afrikaans and African languages, they are proving to be largely inept at interpreting between English and Afrikaans. Interpretation between these two languages is often unavailable, or of such poor quality that Afrikaans witnesses and accused often choose to testify in English, arguably to their detriment. With regard to demographics the authors point to the consequences of unequal growth in the composition of the South African population. On the one hand, large-scale emigration by white Afrikaans speakers has accentuated the problems of an existing low birth rate, which is now below the replacement rate (by comparison, the Afrikaans-speaking coloured demographic has only recently reached the replacement birth rate). In contrast, the black population exhibits a high birth rate and an influx of immigrants from the rest of Africa. However, there are also several constructive trends and factors which have prevented the process of language shift from attaining greater momentum. These are the quality of Afrikaans schools, the attempts of Afrikaners to come to grips with the past, and the activities of civil society, which include the measures of activism and the establishment of self-help initiatives. The most significant constructive trend has proved to be the vitality and allure of the Afrikaans culture. Contributing to this is the scope and variety of Afrikaans literature, the various printed and electronic media publications, and the expanding activities of the new media, for example online journals such as LitNet. The growing number of Afrikaans arts and music festivals have also become popular attractions. Afrikaans culture is blossoming – one aspect which cannot be directly controlled by the ANC. However, areas where the state is predominant pose a difficult challenge: the SABC has drastically curtailed Afrikaans television since 1994 (while it flourishes through private broadcasters such as kykNET). Obstructive trends have also been identified which have the potential to develop either positively or negatively, such as attempts to consciously counter language-mixing, the development of new technologies, and attempts to foster a closer relationship between coloured and white Afrikaans speakers. The preeminent now deceased Afrikaans linguist Fritz Ponelis suggested that it is futile to supplant standard Afrikaans with a hybrid or mixed language. In his opinion, such a language would be unable to stand its ground against the long-term encroachment of English. Regarding cooperation between the white and coloured Afrikaans communities Giliomee (2010) differentiated between two groups of coloured Afrikaans speakers. The educated working and middle classes exhibit an enthusiasm for Afrikaans and for initiatives promoting Afrikaans, as is evident in the successes of the ACVV, Kindersorg and the Stigting vir die Bemagtiging in Afrikaans.However, a different picture emerges among the coloured "elite". This group still maintains sensitive memories of apartheid, resulting in their rejection of Afrikaans and the subsequent adoption of English as a language of mobility and aspiration. Giliomee (2010) notes that many members of the coloured elite occupying senior positions in the civil service, university management and large companies tend to be strongly progressive and individualistic, resulting in a close association with English and the subsequent values and worldview the language promotes. Such individuals generally support the government's pursuance of race-based transformation and its policy of English as the language of access in society. In 2006, during an ATKV conference, Neville Alexander pointed out that it is still too early to speak of an Afrikaans language community. For now, the focus should be on the shared interests of Afrikaans speakers, of which effective education and tuition in Afrikaans is the most important. The authors expect that the language policy and practices of the authorities will remain unchanged, and that the Afrikaans community will have to reckon with continued aloofness, animosity and recklessness from government. Therefore taking ownership and responsibility is essential for initiatives and institutions which aim to promote Afrikaans as a language of communication, education and job creation.

Fish is an important source of high quality protein and micronutrients for people around the world. It is the primary source of animal protein providing more than 60 percent of total animal source protein consumed in developing countries. Rising population with higher fish consumption around the world is influencing the global demand for fish. As a result, a dramatic change has been observed for the last three decades in the structure of fish demand and supply with an increasing demand for fish in both domestic and international markets. A rapid growth in production and increased trade of fish are keeping pace together to meet the growing demand for fish worldwide. By providing fish from both capture fisheries and aquaculture sources, Asia has become the major contributor of this expansion. Although the global supply of capture fisheries has remained static for the last 20 years, aquaculture has contributed the major share in the recent growth of fish production and consumption. Moreover, smallholder aquaculture is playing a very significant role at the household level, especially for the poor households by increasing fish consumption, improving food supply through generating additional incomes, and creating employment opportunities. Although aquaculture is contributing much for reducing micronutrient deficiencies in developing countries, little research has been done so far to identify production, consumption and nutrition linkages. Additionally, there has been active interest from the donor to promote aquaculture with a view to identifying the linkage between aquaculture and poverty. This thesis makes the following contributions to the existing literature on economics of smallholders' aquaculture production and consumption in Bangladesh. First, by disaggregating the fish demand at species level, this thesis has identified necessary species for poor households that need supply-side interventions designed from the government to expand the production of fish for the poor. Second, how aquaculture can benefit the poor is identified through production, consumption and nutrition linkages for which there is no empirical research so far. Third, due to lack of comparable micro-level data, there exists lack of longitudinal analysis in the literature of aquaculture. This gap has been fulfilled by using panel data collected from smallholder fish farmers in Bangladesh to identify the observed and unobserved difference between the farmers who did commercialize and who did not commercialize. Fourth, methodologically this thesis makes the key contribution to empirical research by applying a two-step endogenous switching regression (ESR) model in a correlated random effects (CRE) framework to estimate the impact of aquaculture commercialization on household welfare. This analysis will shed some lights on the link between aquaculture and poverty in Bangladesh. To this end, this thesis aims to study the economics of aquaculture production and consumption in Bangladesh, emphasizing the nutritional benefit of the poor households. The specific research objectives are: (i) to examine the household fish consumption pattern in Bangladesh by analyzing the changes in demand for fish by species and by poverty groups; (ii) to establish a link between fish consumption and nutritional outcomes by analyzing the effect of aquaculture production on household food consumption and dietary diversity outcomes; and (iii) to find out the aquaculture production systems practiced by the poor households and analyze the transition from subsistence to more market oriented production approach to understand the contribution of smallholder aquaculture on household welfare in developing countries like Bangladesh. The data used in this research, which includes three different papers, are from three different sources. The first paper examines the fish consumption pattern of households in Bangladesh using the micro level household data collected from the most recently available of the Bangladesh National Household Income and Expenditure Survey (HIES), i.e., 2010-2011. HIES is based on a countrywide survey of a nationally representative number of rural and urban households. The second paper examines whether income from homestead aquaculture contributes to household nutritional outcomes in developing countries like Bangladesh. This study uses the primary data collected from the household survey of 'Fish Production, Consumption and Nutrition Linkages' by University of Hannover, Germany, and WorldFish, Penang, Malaysia from May 2016 to June 2016 in Bangladesh. The third paper examines the possibilities of smallholder aquaculture farmers in developing countries to more effectively contribute to fish production by transforming from subsistence-type of home-pond producers towards a more modern, commercialized small-scale aquaculture system. This study uses a two-period balanced panel data collected from households who are engaged in homestead pond aquaculture in Bangladesh. The first round was collected in 2011 through a household survey titled as the 'Economics of the Homestead Pond Aquaculture System in Bangladesh' conducted by WorldFish, Bangladesh under the USAID-funded CSISA-BD project while the second round uses the primary data collected in 2016 by University of Hannover, Germany and WorldFish, Penang, Malaysia. The results suggest that fish consumption does not vary much by types between poor and non-poor households. However, poor households rely more on fish as their primary source of animal protein. For example, carps mainly sourced from aquaculture, and small indigenous fish species mainly sourced from capture fisheries are the most frequently consumed fish species for the households in Bangladesh. The results also find that aquaculture has good potential to compensate for the decline of fish supply from inland capture fisheries. Furthermore, the results show that homestead fish production remains important for many low-income households in spite of the emergence of commercial aquaculture in Bangladesh. It generates additional cash income and stimulates higher fish consumption from home production. Consequently, it increases food consumption and improves dietary diversity at the household level. Moreover, home production of fish contributes to improve the quality of households' diet by purchasing more calories from the market with the additional income. Therefore, the Department of Fisheries should reconsider its view on the role of homestead pond production and give it more recognition in its extension activities. Additionally, the results reveal that commercialization among subsistence homestead farmers continues to take place but at a slower pace. Households who commercialized have higher per capita income and lower rate of poverty headcount compared to those who remain in a low intensity subsistence scale. Also, commercialized households become specialized overtime. Moreover, farmer who did not transform would in fact benefit even more from commercialization than those who did. Support from non-government organizations, and fish farmers' associations at village level play a crucial role to facilitate the commercialization process in Bangladesh through providing information regarding market condition and prices. Hence, this thesis concludes that while aquaculture is growing faster than any other agriculture sector in Bangladesh, a continued favorable policy environment needs to be maintained by the Government for the growth of aquaculture, however, continuing the support for capture fisheries. Better market access, improved infrastructure and appropriate market information for farmers may be effective policy instruments for the long-term development, and sustainable growth of aquaculture sector in Bangladesh and many other developing countries.