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ABSTRACT:This article addresses efforts to reform market activity in pre-Famine Ireland, exploring Karl Polanyi's assertion that the 'free market' required 'the intervention of the state in order to establish it'. It begins by rooting Ireland's alleged 'social ills' – over-population and subsistence agriculture – in terms of integration into international markets from the mid-eighteenth century. From the crisis of the 1820s, state actors came to see the extension of the cash economy as central to remedying these 'ills'. Altering the physical fabric of exchange to encourage 'rational' market behaviour, I argue reformers aimed to 'enclose' commercial spaces economically and physically from non-market forces. Utilizing novel technologies of vision and precision, market space could thus operate according to a logic and ethics of its own, inculcating voluntary compliance through new standards of 'trust' and 'fairness'. I conclude by asking, if indeed the state had come to operate as much through 'freedom' as force by 1845, how we might begin to reassess the course and context of the Irish Famine.

The changing composition of trade unions has far-reaching consequences for the relationship between unions and the polity. In particular, the concentration of trade union membership in the public sector – a process that has been taking place in most EU countries – implies a shift away from collective agreements towards legislation as the dominant way of managing employment relations. Pluralist models of collective bargaining assume a neutral, mediating role of the state, but in the public sector the state by definition acts as an employer as well. The state is equipped with the sovereign power to circumvent traditional bargaining agreements and force its will upon trade unions through legislation. The article investigates major bargaining disputes in Europe after 2008, focusing on two countries (Ireland and Denmark) that have different political environments and that, although affected differently by the financial crisis, underwent similar government interventions in labour relations. The findings suggest that a shift towards legislation is a tendency that affects all types of industrial relations systems.

After the 2008 crisis, EU regulatory authorities and policy makers started to devote resources to improve households financial literacy, considered as a key element of debt decisions. However, the role of another crucial determinant of debt burden has been neglected in such financial education programs. The present study examines the role of impulsivity and financial literacy as predictors of debt burden in a sample of 445 financially-literate participants. An ad-hoc built indicator of financial literacy and scores on the Barrat Impulsiveness Scale were used as regressors. The debt service to income ratio, a proxy of debt burden, served as the dependent variable. Both predictors resulted associated with debt burden; however, a mediation analysis showed a full drop in the relationship between financial literacy and debt when impulsivity, the intermediary variable, was included. Findings suggest that financial education programs do not represent a conclusive solution to the problem and are discussed in terms of policy implications and means to formulate more effective intervention programs.

22 pages ; In June 2017, the refugee rights group LGBTQI+ Refugees in Greece abducted a participatory artwork from the global contemporary art exhibit Documenta 14, held in Athens to highlight the city's centrality to European imaginaries of crisis. They then released a ransom note and accompanying video in social media, in which they addressed the artist, Roger Bernat, condemning the fetishization of refugees by Documenta, and highlighting the precarious conditions queer migrants face on a daily basis. This paper takes up this action to examine the performative potential of such cultural interventions, their use of embodied actions which draw from the aesthetic languages of feminist and queer artistic practice, the forms of alliance their gesture enacted, and their careful negotiation of the tricky boundary of visibility/invisibility. It concludes that the strategic appropriation of urban space and digital platforms—a strategy it names "displacement"—served to interrupt Documenta's more narrowly defined public sphere, forging a new space in which to appear publicly.

The changing composition of trade unions has far-reaching consequences for the relationship between unions and the polity. In particular, the concentration of trade union membership in the public sector – a process that has been taking place in most EU countries – implies a shift away from collective agreements towards legislation as the dominant way of managing employment relations. Pluralist models of collective bargaining assume a neutral, mediating role of the state, but in the public sector the state by definition acts as an employer as well. The state is equipped with the sovereign power to circumvent traditional bargaining agreements and force its will upon trade unions through legislation. The article investigates major bargaining disputes in Europe after 2008, focusing on two countries (Ireland and Denmark) that have different political environments and that, although affected differently by the financial crisis, underwent similar government interventions in labour relations. The findings suggest that a shift towards legislation is a tendency that affects all types of industrial relations systems.

Since the political crisis in 2012, the European Union has stepped up its commitment to Mali and the Sahel using various external intervention instruments gathered under the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). These instruments are designed to achieve functional and normative goals of the EU. Situating in the debate on normative actorness of the EU and by applying the Whole-of-Society (WOS) approach to conflict prevention and peacebuilding, this paper investigates how the European Capacity Building mission for the Malian Security Forces (EUCAP Sahel–Mali) is operationalising two key EU-SSR-related norms – local ownership and inclusivity– and manoeuvres context and programme specific challenges. By analysing the mission-training/capacity building and outreach, this paper argues the EUCAP mission has been largely functional than normative driven, thus reducing the EU's overall reputation as a normative actor, particularly in the area of security. This paper offers practical recommendations to reach the EU's normative goals via SSR.

In the last few years, unprecedented challenges and new social risks are testing the capacity of welfare policies implemented by many European countries to provide responses to emerging needs. The general economical and social crisis brings to the unyielding need for a recalibration mechanism between long-term care policies and public spending, as well as the recovery of different and new parameters of efficiency, sustainability and inclusion of interventions and welfare benefits. In recent years, the experiences of new care technologies based on ICTs have become increasingly widespread throughout Europe. Indeed, many studies document that the sustainability of the welfare services also goes through the promotion and implementation of specific technological devices and tools (which fall within the so called new care technologies – NCTs – or welfare technology – WT –) in the healthcare field. The aim of the research is to investigate the field of the wefare technology, studying in particular the changes at institutional level, including services' organization through the experiences in the norwegian municipality of Grimstad.

The social-democratic-inspired "Nordic model", with its agenda for gender equality, has been an important example for the development of political interventions to transform society but at the same time, it has been functioning as an emerging gender normalising and stabilising structure. The last decade it has also become focused by antigender movements and ethno-nationalistic parties both as emblematic for the Nordic nations as well as a threat that must be destroyed to save the nation. This issue will elaborate further on gender equality as a node, a floating signifier in powerful and often contradictory discourses situating the discussions within the tradition of scholarships of hope through a dialogue about articles that search for realistic utopias that might be considered to be "beyond gender equality". The included articles engage with the messiness and crossroads of gender equality in relation to the work-line, territories, neo-liberalism, religion, the crisis of solidarity and the success of anti-genderism agenda.

'Quasi-mediation diplomacy' refers to the role a 'mediating' state plays in international activities to defend its commercial, political and diplomatic interests rather than core security and strategic interests. This type of mediator acts without seeking to dominate; to follow rather than to lead; to partake in the revision of the agenda rather than setting it; and, to encourage conflict de-escalation in lieu of determinedly engaging in conflict resolution. The dynamics of China's quasi-mediation diplomacy in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) depend on their relevance to China's vital commercial interests, the scope of China's influence, the level of the great powers' consensus and the intractability of crisis settlement. Through a comprehensive interchange of the above-mentioned variables, China-styled quasi-mediation diplomacy rests on risk-aversion, revealing divergent forms which can be categorized at four levels, namely, multifaceted intervention, proactive involvement, limited intercession and indirect participation. These four categories of China's quasi-mediation diplomacy shed light on China's discreet participation in the MENA conflict resolutions. (J Contemp China/GIGA)

The social-democratic-inspired "Nordic model", with its agenda for gender equality, has been an important example for the development of political interventions to transform society but at the same time, it has been functioning as an emerging gender normalising and stabilising structure. The last decade it has also become focused by antigender movements and ethno-nationalistic parties both as emblematic for the Nordic nations as well as a threat that must be destroyed to save the nation. This issue will elaborate further on gender equality as a node, a floating signifier in powerful and often contradictory discourses situating the discussions within the tradition of scholarships of hope through a dialogue about articles that search for realistic utopias that might be considered to be "beyond gender equality". The included articles engage with the messiness and crossroads of gender equality in relation to the work-line, territories, neo-liberalism, religion, the crisis of solidarity and the success of anti-genderism agenda.

Drawing on a recent wave of scholarship on urban development in East Asia, this article offers a critical account of the twists and turns of Hong Kong's urban development by focusing on class recomposition, state strategies and their relationships with the city's changing position in its regional political economy. To do so, it examines how the middle class and their housing and investment demand have begun to lose their significance as a driver of urban gentrification. Meanwhile, since the resumption of China's sovereignty over the city and the outbreak of Asian financial crisis, the local and central state have engineered a finance-led growth model whose diverse neoliberal interventions and political calculations have persistently lead to widespread discontent with "developer hegemony" and private property-led urban redevelopment. Using a case study of Wan Chai and the rise of serviced apartments, this article argues that this transition has marked the rise of a new urban developmentism in Hong Kong.

This paper examines the development of China's wind turbine industry, shedding light on the Chinese mode of disruptive industrial upgrading through policy pragmatism and fragmented, experimental governance. Based on a historical analysis of China's wind turbine industry, the paper highlights three distinct phases, which are all marked by their own inbuilt and potentially self-disruptive impasses and associated crises. In turn, these impasses have forced the Chinese government into radical and flexible interventions, which have spurred on Chinese companies to creatively find new ways to develop and upgrade. The paper illustrates the transformation of Sino–foreign relations by China's non-linear upgrading approach, particularly during the Chinese wind power industry's quality crisis, and its development model. It also discusses the implications this examination of China's approach has for the literatures on China, upgrading, and catch-up. Finally, the paper calls on future studies to enquire further into China's distinct mode of industrial upgrading and its embeddedness in China's institutional context. (JCCA/GIGA)

The 2008 crisis highlighted how fragile the labour markets of the European Union's member states were, while it also directed attention to the eventual further deepening of integration as a potential solution. Nevertheless, employment and labour market policy competences are still on the national level with relatively low EU intervention. In a recent study, we explored the role of the EU in facilitating potential policy solutions with regards to labour market resilience until 2030. The study focused on labour market experts' opinion, coming from different European countries; and took form of an online Policy Delphi Survey combined with backcasting to predict the importance and feasibility of policies concerning future challenges. The most important policies considered to be best suited to deal with the main challenges of the labour market in the EU until 2030 are education, investment in human and social capital and improvement of social policies and protection, including migration policy. The research revealed a systematic gap between the importance and feasibility of relevant solutions.

This is a conference paper. ; There are no easy conventional solution to Gaza's chronic water crisis and impending environmental catastrophe. Seawater desalination is one of the key transformative interventions strategically considered to address both these issues. UNICEF, with European Union funding, therefore initiated the implementation of a seawater desalination programme in late 2012. The first phase of the seawater desalination plant producing 6,000 m3/d, is the largest to be completed in Gaza and is to be extended to produce 20,000 m3/d to ultimately serve a population of 250,000 people. Seawater desalination remaining an energy intensive process, focus has been on identifying innovative means of generating and conserving energy to tackle the energy-water nexus, given the limited availability of electricity within Gaza. Advance renewable energy and energy recovery technologies have been incorporated to maximise the plant's viability. Such transformative technologies is essential to ensure that Gaza remains a liveable place in the years to come.

This paper examines the development of China's wind turbine industry, shedding light on the Chinese mode of disruptive industrial upgrading through policy pragmatism and fragmented, experimental governance. Based on a historical analysis of China's wind turbine industry, the paper highlights three distinct phases, which are all marked by their own inbuilt and potentially self-disruptive impasses and associated crises. In turn, these impasses have forced the Chinese government into radical and flexible interventions, which have spurred on Chinese companies to creatively find new ways to develop and upgrade. The paper illustrates the transformation of Sino–foreign relations by China's non-linear upgrading approach, particularly during the Chinese wind power industry's quality crisis, and its development model. It also discusses the implications this examination of China's approach has for the literatures on China, upgrading, and catch-up. Finally, the paper calls on future studies to enquire further into China's distinct mode of industrial upgrading and its embeddedness in China's institutional context.